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Victory At What Cost?:WHEN DEMOCRACY LOST, by Poonam I Kaushish,26 July 2008 Print E-mail

POLITICAL DIARY

New Delhi, 26 July 2008

Victory At What Cost?

WHEN DEMOCRACY LOST

By Poonam I Kaushish

The irony is profound. Two Bollywood movie titles aptly illustrate India’s political theatre today. One, actor and Congress MP Govinda’s film ‘Money Hai To Honey Hai’ and Akshay Kumar’s starrer ‘Singh is King,’ which bared the shameless, ugly and raw underbelly of power politics. Down to the gutter level. Indeed, the cash-for-vote during the high voltage Vote of Confidence in the Lok Sabha last Tuesday conclusively proved ‘money hai to power hai.’ Never mind that at the end of the day the temple of democracy was trampled and trashed.

Undoubtedly, the Prime Minister Manmohan ‘Singh is King.’ But as the Cong-led UPA preens over its victory, the issue is not whether it will continue to rule the roost at the Centre or will the UPA survive. Neither is it whether its dushman-turned-dost Samajwadi’s Mulayam-Amar Singh duo will extract their pound of flesh, become increasingly demanding and indulge in bigger blackmail et al. Nor is it the harsh truth that they along with the other allies will decide the mortality of the UPA since they control the crucial votes. What matters is victory at what cost?

Tragically for the country at the end of the day democracy lost. In the 25 years of covering Parliament, one has witnessed many an aberrations, but never before has politics denigrated to an euphemism for I, me, myself. More tragic is that we are today caught in a vicious circle which has been made a lot more malignant by our unstable and fragmented politics. Not just that. With every one propounding his own recipe of governance, with the favourite formula of communal harmony and caste bhaichara, the nation is getting sucked into the vortex of centrifugal bickering. 

Witness how the Prime Minister unshackled himself from being a “weak” mukhota of the ‘power behind the throne’, read Sonia Gandhi and from being the “bonded slave” of the Left. However, behind the façade of victory per se, Manmohan Singh is the biggest loser. His image of “a man who minds his manners and morals” is now in tatters. Even the most ardent supporters of the “honest PM” confess that the cloud over the cash-for-vote has tarnished his image and will provide ample ammunition to both the BJP and UNPA. Many Congress MPs aver that an apolitical Manmohan Singh has the least to lose. But they may lose their seats.

True, it was only a matter of time before the Left withdrew support. Especially as the Congress-Left relationship was a no-brainer and doomed from day one. In hindsight they waited a tad to long to withdraw support. In Indian politics never take things at face value, don’t be taken in by promises or be gullible to accept that a ‘gentleman’ will keep his word! It failed to safeguard against being double-crossed. Having burnt its fingers now, the Left has cast aside its antipathy for the BSP’s Mayawati and aligned with her. It has also shed its ‘communal bug-bear’ vis-à-vis the BJP and made plain that it is willing to do business with it.

The trust vote has left the BJP-led NDA wounded and vulnerable with its MPs playing traitors. Having lost the Opposition leadership to dalit ki beti Mayawati, Advani and his brood are perplexed about how to undo Mayawati’s magic given that UP accounts for 80 seats. The Party is now trying it’s damnest to pull the UPA down. It wants early general elections. Preferably, along with the 5 State Assembly polls where it is confident of returning to power. Thanks to spiraling prices, rising inflation, terrorism, Amarnath Shrine land transfer controversy. It has already released its first list of candidates.

The players of the ‘Third Front’ UNPA are driven by different considerations. For Mayawati, it is achieving her ambition of being India’s first Dalit Prime Minister. For TDP’s Chandrababu Naidu allies are necessary to take on the formidable Congress in Andhra Pradesh. For AIADMK supremo Jayalalitha it is nice to have a friendly umbrella to beat arch rival DMK’s Karunanidhi with.

Needless to say, the combination of 10 parties across the country can be politically lethal during the next electoral combat. Namely BSP, CPM, CPI, RSP, Forward Bloc, TDP, JD(S), RLD and the TRS. All have the potential to create havoc and lead to further instability. Besides, there is no guarantee that the other regional parties which comprise the UPA and NDA will remain. Given that neither the Congress nor the BJP on their own are in a position to cross the critical threshold of 150 seats.

Thus, against this emerging scenario, from the periphery of competitive politics, the regional parties are now virtually the lifeline for the national parties. Bringing things to such a pass that who ever sits on Delhi’s gaddi can only do so with his regional friends. For it is they who really control the vote-banks.

In this political cauldron of uncertainty, the importance being given to the regional parties is not without the grave ramifications it will have on the unitary-federal structure of the State. Raising a moot point: Is it not time we rethink our model of democratic governance? Whether coalition politics is really the answer as India readies itself to join the global fraternity?  Or should one change to a two-party system?  Even do away with the first past the post method and opt for a proportional representation?

It has been exposed that when national parties cohabit with strange regional outfits for all the strong reasons to attain power, they fail to realize that it could end in an anti-climax. Tragically, national interests have been wantonly dumped in quest of power.  It has nothing to do with ideology or taking the federal structure of our polity a step forward.  Nor does the word coalition imply an alliance with all and sundry – with anybody and everybody.

Where do we go from here?  True, numbers will decide who sits on the Delhi’s gaddi. At the same time, we need to realize that this cannot go on forever.  Clearly, coalitions are neither guarantee for stability nor solution for responsibility. It is time we give serious thought to reverting back to a two-party system (or a three-party system) at the national level.  At best, the regional outfits should be confined to ruling their respective States. In the event they want to contest, they should be required to align themselves with one or the other national party.

Additionally, the first past the post method has proved to be a misnomer of the poplar electoral mandate.  We have had absurd situations where parties which polled a lower percentage of votes were in power. Today the Congress, which heads the UPA Government, polled no more than 30 percent of the votes cast.  Thus, it is imperative that we apply our mind to correct the anomalies caused by a multiplicity of parties. 

One way would be to learn from the German experience. Wherein the malady has been tackled by requiring every party to meet a minimum benchmark of votes polled to qualify for recognition. Or, we could follow the Westminster model and have at best two main parties and a smaller liberal party. That apart, we have to not only put a tap on election expenses but also determine the sources that should be legally tapped for campaign expenses.  Unless this is done, there is little hope of minimizing the evil influence of unaccounted money power and vested interests. The electoral system is today the main excuse for generating black money, which has in turn, totally corrupted the polity. 

The writing is on the wall. This raj nautanki has to end. Remember an old Chinese saying: When small men cast big shadows the Sun is about to set.  One is not worried about the small men. But the Sun setting on India is too frightening a prospect to be taken casually. Will our polity heed? Or will India rue a la Shahrukh Khan: Abhi toh khel baakee hai dost! --INFA.

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

 

 

 

 

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