ECONOMIC HIGHLIGHTS
New Delhi, 25 January 2006
For Developing
Nations
WTO MINISTERIAL:
NOTHING TO CELEBRATE
By Dr. P.K. Vasudeva
There has been mixed reaction in various countries after the
conclusion of the sixth Ministerial of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) at Hong Kong last month.
The 149-members of the developed and the developing countries who
participated in the proceedings for six days are celebrating their victories.
But the fact remains that the developing countries have not been able to
achieve any concrete results.
The biggest success is that it has been able to produce a
unanimous Declaration which reflects, apart from anything else, a strong desire
among all members of the WTO to pursue the Doha Development Agenda in the
future times to come. The actual results
of the WTO in future discussions can be gauged only the time will tell. But the need to continue under the WTO
auspices has been given more importance than the route of regional arrangement
and free-trade agreements which are gaining ground among the South Asian
countries, including India.
This is disappointing for the developing countries,
considering the demands made by the bloc in the run-up to the meeting. Among
other things, it was repeatedly said that the key to the Ministerial was
agriculture and its success would be decided on whether the developing
countries extract their pound of flesh in the sector vis-a-vis the developed economies (notably the US, the EU and
Japan), specially in the areas of reduction of domestic subsidies (green and
blue box subsidies), export subsidies and market access. Nothing of the sort
was achieved in any of these areas. This
can be interpreted as a victory for the developed nations.
The greatest success for the developing countries has been
getting together of 110 developing countries (including LDC) for the first time
on a “common minimum platform” and act as a “development thrust” on the
developed countries that made a small dent on the draft agenda. This unity, if continues can deliver
substantial dividends in the future times to come.
Among other things, the draft approved by all the 149
signatory countries decided the deadline for the elimination of export
subsidies in the Agreement of Agriculture and “disciplines on all export
measures with equivalent effect”. This
will be achieved in a progressive and parallel manner, to be specified in
modalities, so that the substantial part is realized by the end of the first
half of the implementation period.
The deadline was made by the EU for its convenience. A close reading of the draft will indicate
that there is no finality of the schedule as it has been made dependent on the
“completion of modalities” – the deadline for which is April 30, 2006. Given the record of the failed deadlines,
there is no certainty that this date will be kept as final.
It has also been decided that discussions on Geographical
Indications / Geographical Appellations and Biological Diversity would be
further intensified so as to be completed by June 30, 2006. The second draft is concerned with the
reduction of subsidies on cotton demanded by the five cotton producing African
countries. The developed countries have
agreed to reduce the subsidies on cotton after completing the modalities by
April 30.
Commerce and Industry Minister Kamal Nath, who attended the
Ministerial said the agreement on the elimination of export subsidies would
help protect Indian farmers from unfair competition in the domestic market even
while opening up new opportunities for the export of agricultural products. This seems to be wishful thinking unless the
final agreement is signed in 2008.
The Ministerial draft allowed the developing countries to
declare an appropriate number of special products – that would remain outside
the ambit of the tariff reduction formula – on a self-selection basis. It was
decided in the Framework Agreement also on July 31, 2004 Geneva meeting,
however, India has still not been able to decide and declare on the special products
so far.
The developed countries had already extracted substantial
concessions in the ‘July Framework’. The document had signalled acceptance of
the continuation of the ‘Blue Box’ with five per cent reduction and 80 per cent
of reduction of Green Box subsidies. The Declaration has completely ignored the
problem of “Box Shifting” or transfer of trade distorting support into forms
conveniently defined as non-trade distorting.
The only issue up for negotiations was the extent of and
timeline for import tariffs and domestic subsidy reduction by different members
and the date and the modalities for elimination of export subsidies on
agriculture products, which has not been identified.
It also decided in this Ministerial for a Special Safeguard
Mechanism under which the developing countries would be able to raise their
import duties on agriculture products in the event of a surge in their imports
or a fall in their prices. One has to wait and watch for this provision for its
implementation while addressing the concerns, Kamal Nath said that India would
draw up a list of 90 special products, which would be outside the tariff
reduction formula and enable Indian farmers to safeguard their crucial crops
from global competition.
On the non-agricultural market access (NAMA), the proposal
submitted by ABI (Argentina/Brazil/India) has been preferred but there is no
indication whether the “coefficients” mentioned in the Declaration relate to
just two (the choice of the developed countries) or many (preferred by the
developing countries, in particular India), which would take into account the
different requirements of the poor economies, though it had been ensured that
flexibilities for the developing countries would be included in the final
package.
In this area, contentious issue was the degree to which
developing countries would have to give up their right to protect the domestic
firms in order to build and strengthen their domestic industrial base and face
the threat of de-industrialization by opening up their markets to imports of
industrial goods. The thrust of the developed countries was to demand that all
industrial tariffs have to be bound in all countries except the LDCs and these
bound tariffs must over the time cover across countries and products. The
developing countries’ position was that this amounted to ignoring the
implications of international inequalities in industrial history.
On services sector, the setback for the developing countries
is true of the services area. In the
draft declaration Annex C, which argued for accelerating the liberalization of
services, was bracketed, implying that there was no agreement on the area. In a surprising development the whole of
Annex C has been unbracketed, albeit with some changes.
This shows that the developing countries are now willing to
engage in sectoral and plurilateral negotiations, though Cuba and Venezuela have formally expressed
their reservations on the issue. India’s role in
mobilization of developing countries’ support for the inclusion of Annex C,
driven by its own interests, was crucial.
India
had asked for Mode 4 – movement of natural persons – concessions; the
Declaration makes a special mention of such allowance only for the Least
Developed Countries.
In sum, even at this framework stage, developing countries
have given too much when they are in majority for little in return. The exact level of the gains and the losses
will be clear when the modalities have been fully worked out. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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