Round The World
New Delhi, 5 January
2024
EAM in Russia
A 2024 OUTLOOK
By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri
(Secretary General, Assn for
Democratic Socialism)
The External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar made a year-end
visit to Russia to enhance ties. He had extensive discussions with his
counterpart Sergey Lavrov and other stakeholders in India-Russia bilateralism
that has been strongly continuing since 1971. In addition to the usual trade
and diplomatic exchanges, it would be interesting to decipher the strategic
line the EAM would have taken for the New Year. Unarguably, India’s position
vis-à-vis the United States and Russia is perhaps the most important strategic
question India needs to address in 2024.
It may be in the fitness of things to allude to the US
thinking on China and Russia who are currently in a tight embrace. Whether
India agrees with the US perspective on this alliance and needs to align its
own strategy with the US thinking is another geo-political corollary New Delhi
ought to cognize. By far, the most arresting articulations have come from the
Republican candidate Vivek Ramaswamy. As he disclaimed himself, he was not
laying out his strategy vis-à-vis India-China-Russia as he has an Indian name,
it is his conviction that such a line would be in the best interest of the US.
The Republican candidate Ramaswamy wants to put his “laser
focus on pulling Russia out of its alliance with China. According to him that
will mean ending Russia’s war on Ukraine on reasonable terms that dilutes
Russia-China tie-up.” He says he would fly to Moscow and give a categorical
assurance to Putin that NATO will not include Ukraine into its fold. Ukraine
should no longer demand the retrieval of Crimea. At any rate, he would bring an
end to the war, which is inflicting heavy costs on the US and others, and more important,
which will reduce Russian dependence on China.
Strategically, Ramaswamy wants to balance economic issues
with national security concerns. His second premise is that the Chinese
Communist Party is the biggest threat to the United States. It is no longer the
Soviet Union which used to be the main adversary of the US as the former
broke-up in 1991. Ramaswamy said that he would be looking forward to expanding
relations with India in order to counter China. He emphasised, “the US should
have a stronger strategic relationship with India, including even a military
relationship in the Andaman Sea. Knowing that India, if necessary, could block
the Malacca Strait through which actually China gets most of its Middle-East
oil supplies. These are areas for real improvement in the US-India
relationship”. Furthermore, he cited India, Israel, Brazil and Chile as
countries he wants to build trade ties with in order to become completely
economically independent from China.
Jaishankar in his visit met the Russian President Vladimir
Putin, held discussions with Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of
Industries and with his counterpart Sergey Lavrov. His interactions centred on
bolstering the Special and Privileged Partnership. As usual, the exchanges
covered multiple sectors such as trade and economics, energy, defence,
connectivity, cultural and people-to-people. Global and regional developments
also featured in their discussions. President Putin invited Prime Minister Narendra
Modi to visit Russia in 2024. Putin said to EAM, “we will be glad to see our
friend Mr. Prime Minister Modi in Russia”.
From the available accounts of the visit, not much
substantially accrued from EAM’s interactions with several leaders, officials and
a cross-section of agencies. A plenty of shibboleths and usual hyperboles was
on display. Even the tangled issue of India buying military gear after the US
sanctions following the Ukrainian war was not resolved. On the contrary, the
indication got reconfirmed that India’s traditional dependence on Russia for
military supplies is steadily declining. There were tight-lipped statements
both from EAM and Russians about the prospect of military trade between the two
countries.
Notably, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov said that Russia
was ‘respectful’ of New Delhi’s need to ‘diversify’ military procurement and sources
for other technical requirements. It seems the decoupling between New Delhi and
Moscow on military ties is sinking in faster in Russia than in India.
Perhaps it is in order that New Delhi reviews its military
trade policy with Russia. Objective observers have long contended that India
has been at a loss in more than one way in its defence relations with the Soviet
Union/Russia. Talking of the present, India is awaiting delivery of several
defence equipments from Russia. To mention just one deal, India’s military
expected delivery of 70,000-80,000 Kalashnikov AK-203 assault rifles some of
which were to be built with Russian technology in Uttar Pradesh. That
consignment did not arrive. Consequently, Ministry of Defence approved the
purchase of 73,000 additional Sig Saur patrol rifles from the US on the request
of the Indian army. The Indian Army Chief General Manoj Pandey had confidently
announced that the Army would receive AK-203s by March, which did not
materialise.
There are quite a few logistical and transactional issues
currently on India-Russia military trade which may or may not get resolved
quite soon. Besides these, Russia’s defence industrial complex faces a few
challenges at the moment. Moscow needs to focus on manufacturing and supplying
defence products to the Russian army. Some of Russian companies have offered
alternative formats of cooperation in the global arms market. This gave a clear
message to Russia’s overseas clients, including India, that Russian defence
companies would not be able to meet the needs the overseas requirements due to
the ongoing war in Ukraine.
The second challenge for the Russian defence industries
stems from sanctions imposed by the West on Russia following the war. Third,
the setbacks and stalemate in the war put a question mark on Russian military
capability as many observers believe that the Russian army is struggling with
sub-standard defence material. Indian military experts are suggesting that it
is high time India ends its dependence on Russian military supplies and instead
becomes self-reliant or finds alternative suppliers.
The Russian declining military power as well as trade
foregrounds India’s need to align with the strategy being conceived by US
leadership as is evident from the utterances of one of the candidates mentioned
above. His rating in the opinion polls has apparently increased after he
outlined his foreign policy. There is a concern in Indian circles that while
Washington wants India to disengage from Russia, it continues to patronise
Pakistan and offers to make-up with China.
This is where Indian diplomacy has to weigh in. New Delhi
needs to drive home the strategic point that Russia is not USA’s main adversary,
it is China which is a threat not only to the US but to many other countries,
and if we recall catastrophic Covid, then to the entire world. This could
perhaps be one significant writing on the wall New Delhi should be cognizant of
from the EAM’s last week’s five-day visit to Russia. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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