REWIND
New
Delhi, 26 May 2022
PLAYING WITH COMMUNAL
FIRE
By Inder Jit
(Released on 31 May
1983)
Communalism continues to grow and grow fast.
Mr. Charan Singh’s timely alert against disaster has made thinking people a sit
up. But the drift towards the brink continues, as in a Greed tragedy. Most
leaders still swear by secularism and the liberal ethos of India as represented
by Gandhi and Nehru. The reality on the ground, however, is vastly different.
More and more publicmen today are talking the language of communalism. Indeed,
it is becoming fashionable to champion the cause of one community or another
unabashedly --- as in the pre-independence days of reckless communalism. Even
as some Sikhs and extremists have raised the banner of Khalistan, Muslim
leaders have come forward with demands couched in dangerous separatist idiom. Unfortunately,
all this is provoking a reaction among the Hindus, who constitute the country’s
overwhelming but largely silent majority. Even liberals among the Hindus are
beginning to assert that the Hindus must be allowed to come into their own
after a thousand years of foreign domination --- and India declared Hindu
Rashtra.
Not many seem to be adequately aware of all
that communalists are busy doing and the way the basic concept of a secular
state and secularism is being distorted and destroyed. For instance, few know
that, so to say, a “mini Pakistan” in the shape of a Muslim majority district
was carved out in secular India 22 years after independence. This happened in
Kerala where the then CPM-CPI coalition Government, headed by Mr EMS
Namboodripad, agreed to form Malapuram district on the basis of religion as a
price for the support of the Muslim League. (Earlier in 1961, Nehru and the
Congress Party, then headed by Mrs. Gandhi, set aside its anti-communal
approach to form a Government with the Muslim League, overruling strong
Opposition from its “Ginger Group”. Nehru and Mrs. Gandhi then argued that the
League in Kerala was different from Jinnah’s League in the north.) What is
worse, matters did not end there. Kerala today appears to be poised again to
carve out another Muslim majority district --- this time with Kasargode as its
headquarter.
The demand for the second Muslim-majority
district has been put forward again by the State’s Muslim leaders under the
banner of the Indian Union Muslim League in a memorandum presented to Kerala’s
Congress-I coalition Government, led by Mr. K. Karunakaran. The memorandum,
which was significantly handed in on the eve of the last budget session on
February 4, also demanded representation for the Muslims in the Public Service
Commission (a Muslim incumbent had retired) and the High Court and reservation
for them in government jobs. The last demand was considered and turned down on
an earlier occasion. But the League decided to press for it again and,
specifically, asked for a Commission to take another look at communal
reservations in government jobs. The Congress-I was disinclined to accept the
demand. But it was left with little choice but to concede it, thanks to the
arithmetic of the coalition Government. The Indian Union Muslim League is the
second largest constituent of the ruling front with 14 MLAs.
Communalism in Kerala has received fresh
encouragement from the decision. The Kerala Congress (Joseph Group) has now
demanded another district with Muvattupuzha as headquarters. This district is
intended to have a Christian majority. Centrifugal tendencies have also
extended to politics. The Harijans in the State have recently decided to
establish a party of their own although they have picked a non-communal name:
Indian Labour Party. The State has already two parties representing the other
Hindu communities – National Democratic Party of the Nairs and the Socialist
Republican Party of the Ezhavas. The Muslims have split further. The original
Muslim League broke up into Muslim League and Indian Union Muslim League some
time back. Now the Sunni Muslims have formed their own Muslim Democratic Party
as part of a new culture in which every group wants to get the maximum for
itself from the Government, irrespective of its impact on the State and its
coffers --- and on India’s body politic.
The League has now directed its attention to
the Centre and started talking stridently in communal terms, encouraged no
doubt by a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister by Janata, Congress-I and
other Muslim MPs. It submitted to the Home Minister, Mr. P.C. Sethi, recently a
memorandum which proposes a number of “operative programmes” to alleviate the
“unenviable” lot of the Muslim community. Among other things, it has proposed
that “jobs should be reserved for the Muslims in the Central and State
services, including the public sector undertakings in proportion to their
population”. The Muslims, the memorandum adds, should be “given reservation as
is done by the Kerala Government”. This, the League feels, is necessary since
“mere circulars sent by the Centre to the States to ensure fair participation
to Muslims in services has failed to evoke any positive response”. (The
memorandum, it is stated, was presented to Mr. Sethi before the Prime
Minister’s directive of May 12 to the Central and State Ministries to show
special consideration to the minorities.)
Interestingly, the League virtually questions
India’s claim to being a secular state and points out: “The position of
minorities in all walks of life is the best yardstick to measure any commitment
to secular character of the State. When this yardstick is applied, a grim
picture emerges with respect of Muslims of India. Not only is the position
grim, but is steadily deteriorating with the passage of time…” it also directs
attention to the economic aspect and says: “The Muslims constitute the second
largest religious denomination in India and yet there is a total lack of
official data regarding their employment status and similar socio-economic
factors… This lack of official data is another evidence of callousness and
apathy on the part of successive Governments to improve the lot of Muslims”. It
recalls that even the Government of India resolution appointing the Minorities
Commission in 1978 conceded that “despite the safeguards provided in the
Constitution and the laws in force there persists among the minorities a
feeling of inequality and discrimination”.
Equally of interest is the League’s
suggestion that the present system of voting should be replaced by the more
modern system of proportional representation. (According to one Muslim leader,
this will enable the community to play a more decisive role in elections.) Other
suggestions, which also deserve to be recounted, area: restructuring of the
police force to remedy its “partisan attitude” and curb “anti-Muslim violence”,
ban on all anti-minority, para-military and extremist organizations like the
RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, establishment of a Minority Economic
Development Corporation to actively aid the Muslims in economic development,
fair representation on Public Service Commissions and boards of nationalized
banks, insurance companies and public undertakings, liberal aid to Muslim
educational institutuions and establishment of an Urdu University. Further,
grant of constitutional status to the Minorities Commission and power under the
Commissions of Inquiries Act; No interference with the personal law of the
Muslims and deletion of Article 44 of the Constitution providing for a uniform
civil code for all citizens.
On May 21, the League and its many silent
supporters, including Congress-I MPs and persons in high places, seemed to have
won a major victory in New Delhi close on the heels of the Prime Minister’s
directive to all the Central Ministries and the States. The Home Minister was
reported to have stated at Indore that “the Government proposes to fix a quota
for minority communities in Government services”. Mercifully, the statement was
denied three days later and Mr. Sethi’s remarks clarified. The Home Minister,
it was explained, had only stated that “the Government was very keen to ensure
the increasing representation of minorities in Government services”. But basic
issues arise. How is the Government going to “ensure” special consideration to
and increasing representation of the minorities in government services and
public sector undertakings? More important, is it the responsibility of the
Government in a secular state to be concerned with ensuring favoured treatment
and jobs for any community? Is the League justified in claiming that the “test
of a secular state lies in how it treats the minorities?
Secularism is not a particularly happy
expression to describe what free India stands for. Nehru himself told
Parliament in 1950 that he “disliked” the word. (Secular, according to Chambers
means “civil not ecclesiastical; lay not concerned with religion”.) He,
therefore, took the earliest opportunity to explain that a secular India did
not mean a country without religion. It only ensured an institutional
separation of the state from religion --- and a balanced approach to all
faiths. Yet the scope and content of secularism continues to be misunderstood
and misinterpreted. In fact, our secularism has evolved an Indian connotation
over the years and its own yardstick, an opinion shared by several leading
Indians, who are acknowledged to be secular and hold top positions. A Hindu
today is by and large accepted as secular only if he is pro-Muslims and favours
Christians and other minorities. He is acknowledged to be “genuinely secular”
if he is also critical of Hinduism and those who proudly proclaim themselves as
Hindus. Speak of Muslim or Sikh communalism, for instance, and you are promptly
denounced as a Hindu chauvinist, if not worse.
Many things require to be done to set matters
right. For one thing, we need to move from pseudo to genuine secularism. There
is no scope in it for job reservations, as demanded by the League. Such a
demand is only a step away from the logic of separate electorate, which led to
India’s partition. Equally, there is no scope under it for the state to be
either pro-majority or pro-minority community. For another, our top leaders and
others must stop playing the communal card. Poll campaigning in Jammu and
Kashmir has given an ugly thrust to communalism. This strategic area has got
polarized along communal lines as never before. Communalism has already taken a
heavy toll in Punjab and Assam and there is little hope of improving matters
until this is ended. (The basic issue in Assam is not Hindus versus Muslims but
Assamese versus foreigners.) Muslim, Sikh or Christian communalism is as bad as
Hindu communalism --- and deserves to be condemned equally. Either we are
secular or we are not. We must desist from playing with communal fire.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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