Economic Highlights
New Delhi, 14 March 2022
Beneficiary Voter
ECONOMIC EMANCIPATION
VITAL
By Shivaji Sarkar
The State elections 2022 have elements of
surprise, feeling of relief, introspection for the Opposition, diminution of
smaller parties and a question whether 2024 Lok Sabha would be a cakewalk for
the BJP or counter a new challenge. It is naïve to believe that the personal
benefits motivate more for voting a party than a focus on national economy. The
path to 2024 can possibly be replicated through sound economic progress, less
of privatisation, stable rupee and emancipation that can boost the pride of
individual voters – a new order.
The BJP and allies reclaim Uttar Pradesh with
reduced mandate than 2017 tally of 325 with 41 per cent vote; unexpectedly
trounce Congress in Uttarakhand though its Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami
loses despite replacing three Chief Ministers in quick succession; and retain
Manipur and Goa. The Congress loses the remaining glory. The Samajwadi Party
may not have been that powerful in dislodging but certainly has broken barriers
to cut BJP numbers.
The Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) springs the
greatest surprise and shock for the political community bagging 92 of the 117
Punjab Assembly seats rummaging established contenders. The political tsunami
of its leader Arvind Kejriwal started with Chandigarh Union Territory’s local
body. In Punjab, AAP demolishes all traditional political powers. It is likely
to emerge as a major contender in the ensuing Municipal Corporation of Delhi
elections. The move for reunifying three MCDs into one is credited to the rise
of the AAP. His rise is a challenge to the entire privileged political class.
It complicates comprehension of the electoral
mood. The electorate has gone through a period of turbulence, difficulties,
social tension on account of three farmers’ bills, Citizenship Amendment Act
2019, demonetisation, GST, marginalisation of SMEs, an acute pandemic that sent
at least over 12 crore people trekking back to their homes and Ganga delta dead
bodies. It follows severe stagflationary situation, with food, edible oil and
commodity prices reaching new highs.
The Samajwadi Party’s 32.05 per cent vote
share denotes the simmering anger, but Akhilesh Yadav has to come out of his
caste cloak to look to new realities in a changing Indian society. The caste
engineering of Akhilesh apparently did not work wonders.
The difficult economic pangs are forgiven not
forgotten by the soothing new M-Y – Modi-Yogi touch. Or are the people just
giving up their comforts for the sake of ration, saashan and prsashan
– food dole and the administrative approach or is it just being “labharthi”
(beneficiary) - free benefits, housing, pension and cash doles alleging loyalty
to the “namak” (salt)?
Difficult questions alright, but the
electorate possibly believing that the BJP dispensation can do better throws its
plank with it. This leads the Opposition to raise accusations to the extent of
expressing doubts over the mandate. That the contest was too close is testified
by an array of seats being won or lost by hundreds to thousand votes symbolised
by UP Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Prasad Maurya’s loss to Pallavi Patel, Apna
Dal founder Sonelal Patel’s daughter, almost like a game of see-saw. The likes
of Swami Prasad Maurya, Dara Singh Chauhan who quit the BJP bite the dust but
Apna Dal daughters Anupriya Patel and Pallavi Patel despite in opposing camps
could have their kill.
The BJP leaders Modi-Yogi’s sharp assault on SP’s
love for minority could not prevent 35 Muslims getting elected to the UP Assembly
under a Hindu leader Akhilesh against 24 in 2017. Now it is also being claimed
that poorest minority labharhis with a house, gas cylinder and free
food, tended by the Rashtriya Muslim Morcha (RMM) of RSS executive member
Indresh Kumar have sailed with the saffron. So have Christians, including the
Nagas, in Manipur and South Goa due to the efforts of Indresh Kumar.
The minorities despite business relationship
with the majority community have not been able to share the social space.
Mutual suspicion, legacy of the Partition sours the ties leading to polarisation
of the communities. The social tension was palpable at almost every stage of
the seven phase elections becoming acute with the fourth phase in Avadh region.
Strangely enough whenever there is blatant minority polarisation, the party
being favoured by them slinks to play the second fiddle since 1991.
The RSS-BJP understands the phenomenon
leading to Yogi’s sharp blurb that he is contesting for 80 per cent and not the
20 per cent. It seemingly has paid dividend again despite the touted bonhomie
with kisans, Jats and minorities in western UP.
Parties such as the BSP must be
worried with vote share plunging to 12 per cent. It means that BSP leader Mayawati is no more
the force to lead her dalit vote banks particularly Jatavs despite Amit Shah
exchanging niceties with her. Evident new dalit politics is surfacing.
It changes the scenario for BJP
too in its march to 2024 elections. If SP acts with vigour, forges effective
national alliances with TMC of Mamata Banerjee, NCP of Sharad Pawar, Shiv Sena,
TRS, the residual Left and may be also the Congress a resistance can be put up.
It, however, looks too farfetched. The impending Gujarat and Himachal polls
would set the tone. If such alliances remain utopian as Goa experiment of
Mamata Baneerjee, the BJP may remain comfortable.
But such comfort may elude it
as a new political order emerges. The challenge in UP from SP-RLD was
hackneyed. But an emerging Kejriwal can create a national alternative as voters
can break away from identity silos to get their lives improved. Punjab is a
lesson. Its rise in 2017 led to rise of the Congress. His Tiranga Yatra
burnishes his nationalist credentials. The committed Hindu voter turned against
Congress and BJP. They voted along with Sikhs and other communities to usher in
the change. Tainted Ram Rahim’s furlough angered dalit voters to vote for AAP.
The politics is changing. The
voter does not want to remain in the labharthi mode. There has to be
economic and political emancipation. The BJP has to realise it and effectively
improve its rhetoric into economic action may be drastically away from
privatisation and respond to the mundane concerns like junking of efficient cars, imposition of new rules every day, high
tolls and prices and a review of National Education Policy. Indian politics is
in a churn and pines for change. ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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