Open Forum
New Delhi, 27 October 2021
Towards
Transformation
RURAL STRATEGY
CRITICAL
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Discrimination in India has greatly affected
our society and widened social and economic inequality. Besides, we witness
another form of discrimination, wherein those in power have the ability to
stall or delay justice when they are on the wrong side of law. A recent
reiteration of this malady is manifest in Lakhimpur Kheri, where the Uttar Pradesh
government demonstrated its seemingly scant regard for democratic norms and
justice, leaving the protesting farmers further disheartened, but
determined.
One effect of the conception of the rule of
law is the legitimation of the idea that state infrastructure, including the
law, can be used without accountability against its political or social
opponents, thus sharpening the inequality. The big question that the Lakhimpur
Kheriincident raises amongst others is whether the farmers, rather the society
will hit back and give a befitting reply in the ensuing UP Assembly electionsto
the ruling BJP?
It is said that public memory is known to be short
and that in the polls next year the incident may be forgotten. But the party in
power and that at the Centre will obviously be on its guard and will need to
ensure it retains power and is not impacted and that it reaches out to the
electorate, in this case the farmers with a rural strategy.
Without delving deeper into the question of
what effect it may have on BJP’s poll prospects, it is vital to note that such
form of violence witnessed has only aggravated the discrimination against the poor
farmers protesting against the agriculture bills and for their rights. One may also
note that such violence aggravated by the State found its critique in Mahatma Gandhi’s
utopian idealism long back.
Not surprisingly, therefore non-violencebecame
for Gandhi a non-negotiable element of his idea offreedom, which is manifest in
the year long struggle of the farmers. The logical fallacy and
anachronism involved in such attempts notwithstanding, it must be admitted that
Gandhi like Marx, was pointing to truly fundamental issues of human life and
the right to live with dignity. This then brings us to the question of right to
life as enshrined in Article 21 of the Constitution.
Recall that the Supreme Court gave a new
dimension to Article 21, in the Maneka Gandhi vs Union of India (1978) case.
The highest court of the land held that the right to life is not merely a physical
right but also includes within its ambit the right to live with dignity. Another
broad formulation of the right to life with dignity is found in Bandhua Mukti
Marcha vs Union of India (1997) case. Characterising Article 21 as the heart of
fundamental rights, the court expanded its interpretation. Justice Bhagwati
very aptly observed: “It is the fundamental right of everyone in the country .
. . to live with human dignity, free from exploitation”.
This obviously points to the fact that the
poor and economically weaker section do not enjoy right to life with dignity,
though governments speak volumes on the subject. The main reason for this is
the wanton neglect of the rural and backward areas in spite of various
programmes launched by the government. Also it is interesting to note that
a section of analysts are against subsidies or welfare programmes although they
are silent when facilities are extended to corporate or business houses for
industrial projects. Also there is little effort made on recovering the massive
amount that big business houses have erred on and not repaid to banks for years
together.
The crux of the problem is that rural
development has not received priority in India’s development strategy. To make
things a little clear, it means that since over 60 percent of the population
lives in villages, at least 30 to 40 percent of the total budget expenditure
should be earmarked for rural and semi-urban areas. But this has not been the
case and successive governments have not bothered to examine the state of
education, health, sanitation etc. and specially the incomes of the majority
who live there.
The obvious question before us is what needs
to be done and what is critical. Recently, an analyst observed that
agricultural labour force needed to be curtailed and used elsewhere, signifying
that it be used in industry or services sector. But he either did not know the
extent of current unemployment and underemployment in these sectors nor had
adequate knowledge about how agriculture could be modernised and diversified
for higher profits.
The obvious strategy that needs to be adopted
is to revive the rural economy and incomes of the people through a
human-centred approach “to survive in a carbon neutral, digital age and affords
them dignity, security and equal opportunity. It must also meet the changing
needs and challenges facing businesses and secure sustainable economic growth”,
as outlined by the Global Commission on the Future of Work.
First, there is a need to invest more in
people’s capabilities -- this means establishing an effective life-long
learning system that enables people to skill, reskill and upskill, a system
that spans early childhood and basic education through to adult learning. Other
than the farmers, the informal workers and small business too need to
contribute and benefit in the sound formal economy and this can only be
possible in the country, if the government comes out with a well-designed
action plan to promote labour-intensive sectors. But a significant financial
allocation has to be made to really make this sector viable.
Secondly, more investments by the Centre are
required in the institutions of work, including the establishment and
implementation of a universal labour guarantee. Workers in the informal economy
have to be given support in a big way, not just by providing finance but also
technological inputs for their products so that they become acceptable in the
domestic and also international market.
Thirdly, agriculture and agro-based
industries have to be modernised and diversification of value added crops
should be experimented with. The Indian Council for Agricultural Research
(ICAR) would have to make contact at the panchayat level to ensure technology,
particularly seeds and fertilizers to help small farmers diversify crops for
higher incomes. Of course, productivity increases have to be taken care of,
specially in districts where it is lower than the national average.
Finally, the thrust of the new policy has to
be on rural transformation and not aim to become the strongest military power
globally, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated on this Vijaya Dashmi day. We
must not forget that India occupies the 101st position on a list of
116 nations in the 2021 Global Hunger Index with even Pakistan and Bangladesh
being better off. A proper judicious rural development strategy can change the
power matrix in the country. Protests and violence need to be countered with
empathy and the will to work for a robust society.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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