Events
& Issues
New Delhi, 26 August 2021
Caste Census
GREATEST BLUNDER
By Dr S.Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar led a
delegation of ten leaders from ruling and Opposition parties to Prime Minister Narendra
Modi to press for a caste-based census in the country-- a demand repeated by
many political parties and caste-based groups in many States. Bihar legislature has already passed a resolution
twice (February 2019 and February 2020)
in favour of the proposal.
As elections are due in the neighbouring
State of Uttar Pradesh in 2022, the matter has acquired special meaning in the
context of Yadav (OBC)-non-Yadav tussle for capturing government. For both
sides, the crucial OBC factor is linked with the numerical size of castes,
official recognition of a caste as OBC, and assessment
of the places occupied by the OBC and non-OBC
in governance and public employment.
Demand for caste census has grown louder in many
States after 127A (Amendment) Bill was passed in Parliament restoring the power
of States to identify OBC. This was necessary as there can be no centralised list of castes that are
extremely heterogeneous. Even endogamy, once considered the major test of caste, is weakening by choice of people
and changes in life pattern. However, nation-wide census seems to be the
obvious choice of many for estimating the
strength of each caste as if it is a simple task like sex-wise
enumeration of population.
Government recognition of caste as the basic social
factor classifying population as SC,ST,
OBC, and Others to be taken into account in the Reservation Policy and
many welfare schemes is at the bottom of this demand. All governments, judiciary,
and government-appointed commissions assume that caste is the crucial
determinant of backwardness though the Constitution only mentions
“socially and educationally backward
classes”.
The demand for caste census is made for
several purposes. Starting with representation in public services and admission
to educational courses openly through legislations and executive decisions, it has
spread to private sector and political offices by natural extension. The fact
that the present Cabinet at the Centre contains a good number of SCs, STs, and
OBC is often mentioned as proof of its inclusiveness.
Though the party had ruled out caste census,
some BJP leaders were in the delegation led by
Nitish. His leadership in the matter is acceptable to all parties in
Bihar.
It is reported that some colleges in Assam
are seeking information on caste and religion from applicants on online forms. In
Tamil Nadu, champions of OBC are busy
erasing caste identity in the names of literary celebrities. They have
successfully erased caste titles in road
names given in memory of great men and women though they were part of their
identity. But, they want caste to remain intact to claim special privileges.
During the non-functioning winter session of
Parliament, a demand for removing the ceiling of 50% for Reservation
Policy was heard. Several political parties are clamouring for inclusion of
caste enumeration in the census of 2021in the hope that the returns would show
OBC as majority reduced to minority in
positions of power and status.
Population classification is a tricky affair
raising controversial issues. If the British rulers wanted more and more
information about the people they ruled to help tighten their hold, post-independence
politicians need information for a variety of purposes not excluding
creating vote banks. But, our experience
in conducting caste census was not smooth. In any case, census enumeration in
any country cannot be absolutely accurate because of its voluminous nature, particularly in a big country. If we recall our experience, we will
surely shudder to take the route again.
Caste is said to be an endogamous group and
therefore permanent. But, in reality, it is the sub-caste that is endogamous
and this is also divided into sub-sects resulting in several thousands of groups. There is no possibility of conversion
in the caste system. Within a caste, there are backward and non-backward sub-castes
and sub-sects.
Enumeration of population by caste was first
suggested in 1869 by the Madras Town Census and the first country-wide census
conducted in 1871 carried it out. Caste classification was done according to
traditional and hereditary occupations. The same method was followed in 1881 to
enumerate all castes, sub-castes, and
sub-sects. In 1891, traditional occupation again became the basis of caste
classification ignoring economic, sociological
differences. Anthropologists and ethnographers then had a big role in
census operations while political parties are taking more and more interest
after independence.
It was in 1901, a graded classification called
“social precedence” was introduced thus beginning official notice of what was a social system. A government report then said
that, “what was a main caste was by no
means an easy question to answer …Castes and sub-castes were much confounded”.
Today,120 years later, the confusion about caste and sub-caste has not lessened
though the link between caste and occupation has declined.
The confusion must have grown due to
inter-caste marriages, spread of education, migrations, occupational mobility, growth
of several new occupations, and loosening of caste practices. In 1921, what is
now known as “Scheduled Castes” made its
first appearance under the label “Depressed Classes” and was done systematically in the next which is the latest
country-wide caste census in 1931, in the context of political emergence of
this class.
In conformity with the policy of Government
of India to discourage and also remove wherever
possible caste and community divisions in the interest of building
national unity, the 1951 census – the first census after independence – gave up the traditional
recording of caste or tribe. It was
decided that “no enquiry regarding caste
or tribe be made, but an enquiry should be made regarding caste or tribe only
to the extent necessary for providing information relating to certain special groups of the people who are referred
to in the Constitution of India”.
No doubt, caste census is a reminder of
caste, a record of social distinctions and would encourage ideas for mergers,
amalgamations and partitions as number has meaning in public life. Thinking in
1951 and 2021 thinking is very different.
An attempt to conduct Socio-Economic and
Caste Census was undertaken in 2011. It had three components conducted by three
different authorities under the over-all coordination by the Department of
Rural Development of the Government of
India. Caste census was under the administrative control of the Ministry of
Home Affairs, Registrar-General and Census Commissioner of
India. The attempt
was not successful and a huge
task of rectifying lakhs and lakhs of errors is
faced in all States. The number of errors cannot even be publicized.
Do we want a repeat performance?
True, in the absence of caste
census, estimates have to be made from different sources which widely
differ. Mandal Commission estimated OBC population as 52% of the total, School
Enrolment data as 45%, and 2007 NSSO
Survey as 41%. Some political
leaders in some States claim much higher proportion exceeding 60%.Even in
States, estimates made by different commissions
are not uniform.
But, common man does not need caste census. He
wants education, employment, and good living. For whom is it? Caste census will
surely be the greatest blunder of
this century.---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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