Events
& Issues
New Delhi, 8 April 2021
Religion in Elections
APPEASEMENT OF HINDU MAJORITY
By Dr S. Saraswathi
(Former Director, ICSSR, New Delhi)
West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee,
bitterly fighting for re-election of her government, has claimed during a visit
to a temple in the midst of electioneering that she belongs to Shandilya Gotra, one of the eight
highest Brahmin gotras, and so
a descendant of Shandilya Rishi. This was when the priest asked her gotra
for performing puja on her behalf. This reminds us of former Congress
President Rahul Gandhi’s declaration before last Lok Sabha election that he was
a “Janeudhari”. He visited Kamakhya Temple in Guwahati this time. DMK leaders in Tamil Nadu find it necessary to
repeatedly affirm that they are not anti-Hindus.
Political scientists may view this as
identity politics that can assume different avatars
to suit the occasion. For onlookers, election campaigns are increasingly
becoming comic shows and speeches less and less on public issues and more and
more on personal and emotional matters. In this trend, use of religion as a tool for
propaganda and as a bond that can both integrate and disintegrate people is openly
seen today in the four States and one Union Territory going to polls.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the
Matua Temple near Dhaka during his visit to Bangladesh to participate in the Golden
Jubilee celebration of freedom of that
country also invited criticism as having a political motive of appeasing Matua
community of Hindus living in North 24
Parganas in West Bengal. Modi also said, “This is a pilgrimage of the bond
between the people of India and Bangladesh…People from India visit Orakundi each
year and we will take measures to facilitate the pilgrimage”. To Mamata
Banerjee, it appeared to be a case of
“vote marketing” and it is reported in the press that she
raised a query in her characteristic style why PM’s passport and visa should not be cancelled.
In election season, there is need to befriend
all castes and communities while one can choose one’s favourites off-election season. People,
particularly those politically active, recall that the same West Bengal Chief Minister
disallowed the traditional practice of taking out a procession for immersion of
Durga idol after Durga Puja to allow undisturbed Muharram procedures. Such contradictory positions assumed by
political parties are very common. Consistency is the last virtue in
election-related activities.
In Puducherry, the BJP promised to remove
government control over all donations given to places of worship, to build a
temple complex at the famous Sani Bhagwan Temple at Tirunallar, to renovate
historical temples, and conduct annual cultural and spiritual festivals. It promised
to remove all encroachments on temple lands, and set up special funds for renovation
of temples. All these were offered to
make the region a “spiritual hub”.
The DMK repeatedly asserts that it is not
opposed to any religious faith and would uphold religious harmony and protect the
honour of all religions. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister E Palaniswami belonging to the AIADMK says that Muslims and
Christians should not trust the DMK and minorities have nothing to fear when
the AIADMK is in power. He has also promised to renovate 7,000 temples in the
State.
DMK is taking special efforts to erase the
image it has earned as an anti-Hindu party by its origin and history. Rationalist
leaders of the party questioned many traditional beliefs and practices still
followed at home, in temples and in the society as part of religious rituals
which helped to perpetuate social inequalities. They also changed some of them.
Priestless, ritualless self-respect marriages were validated by the DMK
government. Under Karunanidhi, the party had held anti-superstition and
anti-caste conferences. It permitted temple mantra in Tamil along with Sanskrit. Reforms intended for eradicating caste
inequality and superstition, created an impression about the DMK as anti-Hindu
and pro-minority religions.
More recently, Setusamudram Project opposed
by many on the belief that Ram Setu was the bridge constructed by Lord Ram to
cross the ocean to go to Lanka and therefore a sacred structure that should not be demolished was steadfastly supported
by the DMK -- a stand that vitally hurt Hindu religious sentiments. Its
extraordinary enthusiasm in the project overlooking even its economic viability
seemed to display a strong anti-Hindu posture.
Karunanidhi’s questions over the engineering
qualifications of Lord Ram to build a bridge could have pleased his associates
as a political joke or for his secular faith but would not have gone well with Hindu
majority. DMK has to wipe clear of
anti-Hindu tag – a tag which does not fit the present generation party loyalists.
But, it has used for its political opponents and so an immense burden for DMK to
be offloaded by deliberate pro-Hindu promises and gestures.
Post-Karunanidhi DMK has a difficult task of
gaining the support of all sections of Hindu majority not possible without respecting
Hindu sentiments. Promoting Reservation Policy alone is not enough for
collecting votes. It has to adopt a strategy suitable for all. Hence, it can neither openly stick to original DMK ideology
pertaining to religion, nor get out of
it with the result that it has to
profess a novel “political secularism” that openly supports minority religious groups and privately follows the religion of the
majority.
West Bengal presents a classic case of
religious polarisation in the present election. In the Indian elections,
religious affinity is used so far to appeal for votes, to select candidates,
and for mobilisation of bloc votes by promises and offers. It was usually
applied to garner support of minority groups which are inclined to form groups.
This politics has gone too far and has now created need for “majority
appeasement” to balance the disturbed scales.
Mamata Banerjee accused the BJP of trying to
divide the minority votes and playing communal politics. “It is my responsibility
to ensure your security and well-being of your society”, she told the minority
groups. She was not averse to reciting Islamic verses in government events, but
protested against Jai Shri Ram slogan
and walked out of the birth anniversary function arranged for Netaji where PM
was also present. The epithet “Mother of Minority Appeasement” used for her by
a BJP leader, whether fitted her or not,
indicated that elections still
have use for religious divisions and
appeasement politics.
In Kerala, Modi took up the case of protecting
Indian culture. Citing the incidents at Sabarimala Temple for allowing entry of
women in all age-groups as intrusion of activists in the culture of the land,
he resented portraying Kerala culture as “regressive” and the attempts made to
“destabilise place of worship”. He started his speech by chanting “Swamiye
Saranam Ayyappa” and paid tributes to several temples in the
region. With large population of Muslim and
Christian minorities, Kerala has a composite culture.
It is clear that in the present election
series, the most noteworthy and surprising feature, because of its rather
sudden emergence is the politics of Hindu majority appeasement. The well-established
minority religious pampering is today facing a parallel growth of majority appeasement.
When the BJP does it, it is part of its ideology of protecting and preserving
Hindu religion; when others do it, it is their secular outlook!---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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