Round
The World
New Delhi, 2 January 2021
Foreign
Policy 2020
INDIA COMBATING
3Cs
By Dr.
D.K. Giri
(Prof,
International Relations, JIMMC)
The year 2020 ended
leaving a mixed bag of pain and promise for everyone and each sector of the
state. If we reflect on the year gone-by in terms of India’s foreign relations,
physical diplomacy clearly went into a tail-spin; yet in some areas, some
commentators would say it has been a story of success and satisfaction. I would
like to assess it on the basis of how our foreign policy combated the 3Cs –
Covid, China and the cross-border issues.
The Covid
pandemic disrupted life of countries in all their dimensions – economic, social,
political and diplomatic. As countries scrambled to cope with its consequences and
improvised to adjust their actions, new strategies and tactics evolved. The
sudden contraction of our economy prompted Prime Minister Modi to initiate Atmanirbhar
Bharat (Self-Reliant India) strategy, aimed at enhancing domestic capabilities,
being a part of the world supply-chain and to play an effective international
role.
This particular
strategy also emerged out of the world reaction to China’s belligerent
posturing and actions. India, being its immediate neighbour, faced the menace
of Chinese expansionism at its northern border. We have had border skirmishes
with China in 2013, 2014 and 2017. In another sense, we had three decades of
stable relationship with China, but 2020 dramatically changed all that with Beijing
attempting to alter the Line of Actual Control, as per China’s 1959 claim line.
India militarily stood up to Chinese aggression, economically de-coupled with
China and internationally began to somewhat substitute China as a supply-chain.
Conceptually
and practically too, foreign policy is reflection of national interest, which,
in turn, consists of protection of national security. For a few years,
certainly in 2020, China-Pak axis traded on India’s security. But India refused
to buckle down, decided to stick it out and in a smart military manoeuvre
occupied certain heights lending vantage positions to the army. Although,
status quo ante has not been restored to the pre-June position, India is giving
eye-ball-to-eyeball response to Chinese military action on the border.
As Covid
pandemic struck the world with its hyper contagious nature, India was one of
the first countries to impose a strict lockdown across the country. Although,
the sudden and strong lockdown caused some anguish to sections of people like
migrant labourers, and small businesses, the world appreciated India’s swift
response. New Delhi took initiative in supplying critical medicines like
Hydroxychloroquine and Paracetamol to around 150 countries. It even revived the
dysfunctional SAARC by convening a digital meeting of heads of the states and
created a Covid fund by donating $10 million. The PPE kits and other essential
equipments were in short supply, and the government took measures to expand the
production and so India became an exporter of PPE kits.
Although,
India has not yet produced the vaccine, it’s a major centre for vaccine
production and collaboration. It has been dependent on China on apiaries for pharmaceuticals,
and is successfully trying to reduce this dependence. In 2020, India became WHO
chair, which is not an executive position, but gives us the space for health
diplomacy. New Delhi has been in regular touch with other developing countries
and has been supporting them in terms of medical supplies and capacity
building.
Prime
Minister Modi’s hyper-active foreign visits have been the defining moment for
India’s foreign policy. Due to travel restrictions, Modi didn’t step out of the
country. But he has been hyper-busy again in summit meetings-- with Bangladesh,
Brazil, and Australia; in November 2020 alone, there were as many as five major
summits – ASEAN, BRICS, G-20, two SCOs – of Heads of States and Heads of
Government. One can conclude from this, that New Delhi has been successful in
digital diplomacy.
The other
highlight of the foreign policy is the activation and upgradation of Quad in
relation to India pacific. The activism of the Quad members like Japan and
Australia were earlier focussed on the Pacific, but with the tension in the
border, New Delhi has shifted the focus to the Indian Ocean. Furthermore, Quad
is likely to replace ASEAN, set up in 1960s to contain China. Now, ironically,
it is directed by China, a friend of ASEAN. Despite the aggressive actions of
China in South China Sea, the concerned countries are not standing up to
Beijing. Quad is fast gathering a critical mass in terms of a security and
strategic actor in India-Pacific. Certainly, 2020 has been a major inflection
point for Quad.
On
cross-border animosity, the cornerstone of Pakistan’s foreign policy is
terrorism of non-state actors. Pakistan thrives on anti-India rhetoric and
actions. The terrorist attacks sponsored by Pakistan on Indian Parliament,
Mumbai, Uri, Pathankot and Pulwama have drawn international attention and
response, given New Delhi’s stance. But what changed in recent years including
2020 is New Delhi’s decision to make Pakistan pay for it, by reigning in
Pakistan, for example putting it on the grey list of FATF. What is more, India
took the battle into Pakistan, and attacked the terrorist bases. By and large,
the world has supported us. India got the support of 184 countries in its
re-election to UNSC non-Permanent member for the eighth time.
New
Delhi’s hesitation in drawing close to USA disappeared in 2020 as both Modi and
Trump addressed the public in each other’s countries. As New Delhi completed
signing the foundational agreements for security cooperation, a robust
engagement with US is happening. New Delhi took new interest in Europe which
has reciprocated India’s initiatives; France has become the biggest supporter
of India in international politics. With Britain exiting from European Union,
it should move closer to India. Its Prime
Minister has been invited as Chief Guest on Republic Day, and Modi is invited
by Britain to G-7 meeting. At the same time, New Delhi has balanced its
bilateralism with USSR. But this relationship would be a sticking point in
India’s foreign policy as Russia is, for the time being, irreversibly tilting
towards China and even Pakistan.
India’s
relations with other developing countries also have grown. Brazilian President Jair
Bolsonaro was the Chief Guest on 26th Republic Parade 2020. Relationship with
Maldives has been restored with the change of government in the Island country,
India-Bangladesh relations were at all time high in 2020. In Afghanistan, India
stepped up its role as New Delhi agreed to participate in peace talks even with
Taliban. Relations with Central Asia deepened. There was a summit level talk
with Vietnam. However, on Nepal, New Delhi seems to have lost the touch in
influencing developments in the Himalayan country.
To
conclude, have we really done well? On
security and stitching partnership, perhapswe have. In a significant departure,
we gave up the ambivalence on combating China and closing up to USA. The major
failure is on trade front. We couldn’t sign any significant trade agreement
with US; on the contrary, we have not resolved the trade tensions. New Delhi
has been shy of signing Free Trade Agreements; these have been pending for
years with the EU and not signed one even with Australia which is well disposed
to India. Decoupling of economy with China is happening but India hasn’t been
able to attract companies diverting away from it. New Delhi has to work
extremely hard and fast to shore up its trade potential both as a market,
exporter and an investment hub. It has also been shy of taking sides in
international politics, seeks to remain neutral. Even in the face of Chinese
challenge, this has not changed. It must, for the sake of rule-based order, pragmatism
and national interest. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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