Events
& Issues
New Delhi, 1
October 2020
Farm Bills
POLITICS OR REFORMS?
By Dr S Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the oldest ally of
the BJP, has left the NDA after 24 years of partnership in protest against the
three Farm Bills passed by Parliament. It is open reversal of its own policy of
supporting the Ordinances issued earlier on the subject. SAD is sad that the
apprehensions of the farmers are not addressed by the Government. With two
members in the Lok Sabha and three in the Rajya Sabha, its exit is no threat to
the continuance of the Government. Still, it is a new lesson in party politics.
The three bills of 2020 that have created a
big uproar and ugly scenes in Parliament include the Farmers Produce, Trade,
and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, Agreement on Price Assurance,
and Farm Services Bill, and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Bill. The
over-all aim is liberalisation of trade in the farm sector – a logical step in
the current economic reforms. The first allows farmers to sell their produce
anywhere they like. The second provides a framework for contract farming giving
freedom to farmers to enter into contracts with processors, wholesalers, big
retailers and exporters at mutually agreed crop prices. The third is pruning
the list of essential commodities by removing cereals, pulses, oilseeds, edible
oils, onion, and potatoes.
The reactions of various political parties to
the passing of these Bills are significant more for manifestation of political
behaviour than for support for farmers. One can understand the need for
discussing the details of the laws, but not wholesale rejection as
“anti-farmer”. But in current party politics, rarely an issue is considered on
its merits or a party keen on maintaining consistency in its own declared
policies. While support may come from independent viewpoint, opposition is
invariably built on alliance politics. The crowds gathered to shout against the
farm laws rarely represent farmers’ considered free opinion.
For some non-NDA parties like the TRS, TMC,
and the DMK, it is violation of distribution of legislative powers between the
Centre and States. The Congress has directed Chief Ministers of Congress-ruled
States to frame their own laws to override the Central farm laws. The NCP and
Shiv Sena are also opposed to the bills.
The BJD opposed the two Farm Bills in the
Rajya Sabha after supporting them in the Lok Sabha. It is its first opposition to a legislation
of Modi government. It supported even controversial GST, CAA, abolition of
triple talaq, and removal of special status for J&K, and
demonetisation. However, it is not
wholesale rejection like that of typical Opposition parties. Its hesitation is
about protection of farmers’ interests.
A joint resolution of the Congress, TMC, SP,
TRS, DMK, AAP, RJD, CPM, CPI, Shiv Sena, NCP, and IUML was submitted to the
Rajya Sabha Chairman M Venkaiah Naidu asking him to send the bill to the Select
Committee. Ruling parties in many States are concerned about loss of revenue
from mandis.
Between
two extreme positions - “Modi’s
commitment to farmers” as presented by
Home Minister Amit Shah, and “death warrant for farmers” as depicted by
Congress leader, Rahul Gandhi, political
parties are taking sides not solely on their perception of farmers’
interests, but often on political basis. The politics of “opposition dharma”
has come into play.
The Congress itself promised farm reforms on
the lines of the present legislations in its 2019 manifesto. In 2004, the UPA
government wanted Congress-ruled States to adopt Model APMC Act 2003 to
libralise State agricultural trade laws. It also formulated Model APMC Rules in
2007 for implementing the law. Liberalisation of trade has been in the agenda
of the Congress for a long time. But, presently, it cannot support reforms
brought by its political opponent. They now look like “cancer and slow poison
that will kill farmers and farming”.
The party began a nationwide campaign against
the bills calling these “anti-farmer, unconstitutional, and in violation of the
federal structure”. It seems that staunch allies of the Congress do not examine
the Bills and form their own opinion, and make constructive suggestions, if any,
for their stand is to go with alliance leader.
The Bills are mainly concerned with
agricultural marketing. The SAD wants statutory guarantee to protect assured
marketing of farmers’ crops at the minimum support price. But, the core
committee of the party has also conveyed its protest to what it calls the Centre’s
“continued insensitivity towards Punjabi language and issues of Sikh
community”. Minority sentiments and communal harmony – both out and out
political issues are mixed up with farmers’ economic interests in the decision
of the SAD to quit the NDA.
A call for “Bharat Bandh” given by a
coalition of farmers organisations disrupted normal life in Punjab, Haryana,
and Uttar Pradesh. The Congress government of Punjab is thinking of legal fight
against the laws.
The SAD has asked Punjab Chief Minister
Amarinder Singh to convene a Cabinet meeting immediately and pass an Ordinance
to declare the entire State as one market (mandi)
to ensure that the new legislations are not enforced in the State. But, the
Congress was also said to be responsible for amending the State Agriculture
Produce Marketing Act in 2017 to include all the provisions of the Farming
Produce Trade and Commerce Ordinance in 2020. The stand of the Punjab Congress
has been changing.
Under the current system, farmers have to
sell their produce at local markets and a guaranteed minimum support price
(MSP) is fixed by the State governments. The price may work to the advantage or
disadvantage of the farmers. The bills now adopted gives liberty to farmers to
sell their products anywhere to anybody without the restriction of selling them
only to mandis. Rich middlemen are
thriving under present arrangement which outwardly appears to guarantee minimum
price to farmers.
This step for liberalisation in the farm
sector is interpreted by opponents as privatisation of agriculture benefiting
only the rich. Instead of devising ways of empowering farmers to make
profitable contracts, many State governments want to continue their hold over
farmers in the guise of protecting their interests. True, poor farmers may have
initial difficulties in learning the tricks of the trade, but experience shows
that difficulties are exaggerated. What we have to worry about is the interest
of Indian consumers who may face shortage of products because of hoarding and
not about farmers who may get the best price.
All these are questions to be discussed among
all stakeholders and cannot be solved by street protests and on social media.
Politics of protests is growing to block every change and every reform. In the
place of enlightenment and empowerment which may lead to progress, several
parties promise subsidies, freebies, concessions, and protection which forever
will keep the poor depending and the backward as backward. A long-term
perspective for national development is missing when concentration is on
short-term political gains.
Agricultural Market Produce Committees (APMS)
and MSPs are set to continue. Healthy party politics demands full and fair
presentation of facts and resolution of problems by discussion. Unfortunately, farm bills are made subject of
political fight and not economic reform.---INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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