Political Diary

New Delhi, 22 September 2020

Agrarian Storm

OPPOSITION QUIBBLES ON CRUMBS

By Poonam I Kaushish

He who sups with the devil should have a long spoon. This adage has come to torment the Modi led NDA Sarkar as it grapples with the political fallout of its three contentious agriculture reform Bills. Wherein, its second oldest ally Shiromani Akali Dal quits the Cabinet, farmers of India’s food bowl Punjab and Haryana intensify their agitation blocking highways and a farmer commits suicide. Thereby giving the Opposition impetus to dub the BJP “anti-farmers” signaling cracks within and more problems for the Modi Government. Notwithstanding Prime Minister asserting the ‘historic agrarian reforms would act as a “protection shield and unshackle” farmers.

Certainly, the Modi Sarkar was caught unaware by Akalis resignation. Politically, however it does not seem unduly perturbed over loss of its ally. On two counts. One its antipathy to its ally’s Next Gen leadership and SAD’s diminishing clout in Punjab. BJP leaders privately that Badal Jr  is brash, wants instant results and has yet to demonstrate his father  five-time Chief Minister’s persuasive powers and being a ‘man of his word’ who held the alliance firmly together through thick and thin since 1996.

In fact, the genesis of the mutual distrust is the BJP refusing to cede ground to Akalis over its proprietary rights over the Sikh community in Haryana, Delhi and Rajasthan. With only two MPs in the Lok Sabha and three in Rajya Sabha the 100-year-old SAD has hardly any presence at the Centre alongside its diminishing clout in Punjab posting its worst showing in the 2017 Assembly elections winning only 15 of the 94 seats it contested while BJP won just three of the 23 it contested in a 117 House.

BJP-SAD ties have been hit in the past by the RSS view that Sikhs were part of the Hindu faith leading to the Akal Takht’s head priest seeking a ban on the Sangh for its domineering Hindutva agenda that he considered divisive last year. The RSS in retaliation navigated focus on the Malwa region that accounts for 69 seats in the 117 member legislature. Consequently, the allies developed mutual lack of trust.

The Saffron Sangh is also unperturbed that the resignation would give the Opposition a fresh handle to mobilise forces against the BJP in the upcoming Bihar elections for being dictatorial, disrespectful to allies and “usurping” States’ rights by pushing legislation that are within the ambit of their powers.

If push comes to shove, the BJP might not be averse to a life without the Badals in Punjab. Already, there are reports that it could be flirting with a breakaway Akali group led by Rajya Sabha MP Dhindsa, whom the Modi Government had awarded Padma Bhushan.

Undoubtedly, with Punjab going to polls in less than 18 months, the resignation of its Minister from the Modi Cabinet was a political imperative for SAD. It was time for the Party to choose a side as it could not afford to be on the wrong side of the farmers who are the spine of its vote-bank in Punjab. Succinctly surmised SAD President Badal, “every Akali is a farmer, and every farmer is an Akali.” 

By securing merely 15% seats, SAD cannot risk alienating its core constituency as it boils down to a question of survival for the Party that enjoyed two successive terms from 2007 before the 2017 rout.

In fact, the farmers’ agitation has come as godsend for the Akalis and given them a new lease of life as they were floundering in political boondocks and no one thought they would ever be able to cut the umbilical cord with the BJP. Their ‘awakening’ could also help dilute anger against them over incidents of sacrilege during the Akali-BJP tenure in 2015.

Besides, its alliance with the BJP at the Centre was becoming increasingly untenable as the regional ally found itself at variance with the Saffron Sangh over several issues recently. Like another regional compatriot Bihar’s JD(U), the SAD had supported a Punjab Assembly resolution against the Citizenship Amendment Act after voting for it in Parliament.

Later, it further riled the BJP by deciding against contesting Delhi Assembly elections over differences. Only ten days ago Badal Jr had objected to non-inclusion of Punjabi in the new languages Bill for union Territory Jammu and Kashmir in Parliament.

It’s another matter, that less than a month ago, the Akalis had been defending the Ordinances. Badal Jr had last month released a letter from Union Agriculture Minister Tomar saying the practice of procuring grains at a Minimum Support Price (MSP) would remain unchanged and accused Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh of misleading farmers. Now the two are speaking in one voice against the ordinances.

Economically the BJP faces the tough task of pacifying farmers, over 70% of India’s population, who are dependent on farming for livelihood and form the bulwark of a crucial segment of voters, are already reeling under the impact of Covid 19 which has dealt a crippling blow to the economy. It could also hurt the BJP’s largely urban vote bank which includes commission agents.

The Bills --- the Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Ordinance, 2020; The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement; and The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Ordinance, 2020 – have triggered widespread protests by farmers amid the fear that they will no longer get paid at the MSP.

The Opposition to the Government’s move on the Bills has come from States that are considered to be agriculture powerhouses and contribute significantly to the country’s food security. Farmers fear they will no longer get paid at MSP, while commission agents fear they will lose their commission. According to a Punjab Agricultural University study, there are over 12 lakh farming families in Punjab and 28,000 registered commission agents.

As a large part of the State’s economy rests on funds infused by Central procurement agencies like the Food Corporation of India which gets the lion’s share of wheat and rice grown, farmers fear the FCI will no longer be able to procure from the State mandis, which will rob the commission agent/arhatiya of his 2.5% commission. The State itself will lose the 6% commission it used to charge on the procurement agency.

Critics refused to buy the Government line that it would open up the farm sector to more competition, give farmers new independence to sell their produce anywhere by negotiating a better price, modernise supply chains by allowing bigger agri-businesses to engage directly with farmers, double their income through greater market access and create seamless access to markets.

Instead, they argued the Bills that allow farmers to sell their produce in the open market would dilute the country’s public procurement system and lead to exploitation by private companies thereby dealing a blow to the farmers, mainly Jats, commission agents, who are largely urban Hindus, and landless labourers and uncertainty of payments. Citing instances of Madhya Pradesh’s small farmers who face problems of not finding buyers or alternatively being pressurised to bring in larger quantities.

Further, with mandis redundant farmers wonder who will enforce that they get MSP for their produce? Thereby forcing farmers to approach undocumented traders. Unlike in APMC-managed mandis, where records of transactions are maintained, there is little means to track these unregistered traders leading to farmers being cheated of their dues.

However, pro-reform agrarian experts underscore that the Bills give a thumbs up for “contract farming” by many States as it provided “mechanism for improving linkages between farmers and markets through active involvement of private sector. Already, 19 States have moved towards adoption of legislation that allows private market yards and direct buying and selling.  

As the Opposition looks for a needle in the haystack to pin the Government there is no gainsaying that one hopes the agrarian reform will set India on a path of becoming one of the world’s food bowl and eliminate license raj and corruption. Let us not allow petty politicians to create new pocket boroughs and quibble about crumbs. ---- INFA     

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)