Events And Issues
New Delhi, 28 May 2007
Indo-US Nuclear
Deal
IMPACT ON DEFENCE
STRATEGIES
By Col. P.K. Vasudeva (Retd.)
Confusion
persists in certain quarters about the significance and
implications pertaining to US-India Peaceful Nuclear Energy Act 2006. Some
of the critics feel that the US
assurance on supply of uranium fuel
is deceptive and illusionary; the US
certification on India's
activities is uncalled for; India's
nuclear installations will be perpetually under the US
scanner; the US will scuttle
India's
defence strategies.
President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh signed the
Indo-US civil nuclear agreement on July 18, 2005 and issued
a joint statement laying the grounds for the resumption of full U.S. and international nuclear aid to India. The PM
stated in Parliament said, the deal is offering recognition to India as a nuclear-weapon state, pointing out
that the joint statement says India
will have "the same benefits and advantages as other leading countries
with advanced nuclear technology, such as the United States." More practically, they see it as a way to sustain
and expand the nuclear energy program while not restricting the building of
what they describe as a "minimum" nuclear weapons arsenal.
International
support was stopped after India's
1974 nuclear weapon test and sanctions imposed after the 1998 test. It was
therefore important to India
for developing its nuclear infrastructure and capabilities. India's
subsequent refusal to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has kept
it largely outside the system of regulated transfer, trade, and monitoring of
nuclear technology developed over the last three decades.
The July agreement requires the US
to amend its own laws and policies on nuclear technology transfer and to work
for changes in international controls on the supply of nuclear fuel and
technology so as to allow "full civil nuclear energy cooperation and trade
with India",
even though it has not signed NTP. In exchange, India would identify and separate
civilian nuclear facilities and programmes from its nuclear weapons complex and
volunteer these civilian facilities for International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) inspection and safeguarding.
Policy analysts in the United States have debated the
wisdom of the deal. The larger policy context of a long-standing effort to
co-opt India as a U.S. client and so sustain and strengthen U.S. power, especially with regard to China, has gone
unchallenged. There is also doubt as to how the agreement could allow India to expand
its nuclear arsenal being a non NPT state.
The deal has incited a wider and more intense debate in India on
questions of national security, sovereignty, development, and democracy. Some
desire minimum constraints on increasing the future capacity of India's nuclear weapons complex, and produce
maximum nuclear energy that can help meet India's energy needs. The
Government has to deliberate to the issue
whether India
needs nuclear weapons at all. The efforts should also be to reduce the cost of
the nuclear energy for civil uses.
According to estimates, the cost of producing nuclear electricity
in India
is higher than the non-nuclear alternatives. Construction costs are high, and
take long time, making the capital cost of a nuclear reactor very high when
compared to coal-based thermal stations.
The generation of power on coal-based thermal stations may be cheaper
but the high cost cannot be compromised with the type of pollution it emits.
The
Indian atomic establishment appears to have overcome its initial reservations
about the July 18 agreement; there is a broad consensus among the scientists.
Under no circumstances should the agreement compromise India's
technological independence in the nuclear field. According to them, India's own
reserves of uranium as well as its indigenous reactor programme will enable it
to produce at least 207 gigawatts of electricity by 2052, or around 15 per cent
of the projected national requirement of 1350 GW. The country therefore, needs
to preserve its independence in heavy water reactors, fast breeders, and
accelerator driven systems. Thus, all experimental and research facilities
should be kept off the civilian list for safeguards purposes, including the
fast breeder reactor.
Hastily,
the US
amended its Atomic Energy Act 1954 and incorporated in the Henry J. Hyde Act
US-India Peaceful Nuclear Energy Act, 2006. Under this Act the US has entered into civil nuclear cooperation
with India
even when it is not a member of the NPT which was forbidden in the earlier Act
for non NPT countries.
This
legislative amendment was crucial because the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group
(NSG) of nations (including China
and Russia)
are waiting for the US to
amend its law of technology denial to India
before they would consider relaxing the procedures of the NSG to permit India to
interact with other nations to receive nuclear technology, materials and
equipment. While the US
is bound by legislation, the other countries which joined the NSG have done so
only on the basis of executive decisions.
It will
then be open to India to
obtain its nuclear technology, materials and equipment from any one of the NSG
members and not necessarily from the
US.
China is obtaining its
nuclear reactors from Canada,
France, Germany and Russia
without putting in the kind of conditionality which the US Congress tends to do. Therefore, if India does not purchase reactors, materials and
technologies from the US,
then, no American conditionality will apply to its purchases from other
countries as they will be governed only by the bilateral agreements.
India now has to have a bilateral deal known as 123
Agreement to be negotiated and signed between Delhi
and Washington. That
is still under discussion.
Therefore, India
has to watch carefully that the 123 Agreement does not have any clause that is
not considered palatable.
The
Government assured the Lok Sabha on
May 16 that the 123 agreement in the Indo-US civilian nuclear deal was not in
jeopardy and would be within the framework of the agreement reached between the
two countries on July 18, 2005 and the separation plan of March 2, 2006.
In a bid
to scotch speculation that the bilateral agreement might not conform completely
to the parameters that were set by the two countries in July agreement and the
separation plan, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee said that the 123
agreement would conform to the commitment made by the Prime Minister in the
Parliament. So far there have been four rounds of talks and with the visit of Nicholas
Burns in the end of May it will be the last round of finalization of the
agreement as the majority of the issues
have already been sorted out.
The
critics who outrightly reject the deal on various grounds have an exaggerated
view of the US power and a
very poor opinion of India's
status, role and bargaining power in the world. They do not have an adequate
appreciation that a developing country like India has to advance to the
frontline status in the comity of powers in stages and through advantageous
partnerships with other nations. Patience, skilful diplomatic manoeuvres,
recognising and exploiting opportunities, not alienating other powers unnecessarily and enhancing continuously one's own
bargaining leverage constitute successful
real politik. Once the
two sides are able to eventually clinch the 123 bilateral agreements as hoped
by both Bush and Dr. Singh, it will feed a trust, security and stability. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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