Open Forum
New
Delhi, 23 March 2019
Election Manifestos
KEY AREA FOR REFORMS
By Dr.S.Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
The Election
Commission has fixed the outer time limit for release of political party
manifestos for 2019 General Elections as 48 hours before polling. The bar on declaration
of manifestos in the last two days before election is now brought under the Model
Code of Conduct Part VIII relating to Guidelines on Manifestos.
The rule is
significant as elections are drawing closer and campaigns are growing more and
more vigorous, but most of the parties have not yet released their manifestos
outlining their policies and programmes. Hundreds of meetings are taking place
and countless promises are extended orally, but written promises are coming
very slow. The BJP released its 2014 manifesto on the day of polling in first
phase!
Under this rule, in
the multi-phase polls of 2019, the 48-hour ban -- the silence period -- will
apply before each polling date. During
this period, direct or indirect way of soliciting support for parties or
candidates including release of manifestos in concerned constituencies is
prohibited.
Though very important
to get votes, manifestos come after alliance formation, and delayed as much as
possible. They are gaining importance with increasing people’s awareness, but
losing meaning because of alliances of parties with contrary views.
Asserting that it had
fulfilled 520 out of the 549 assurances given before 2014 election, the BJP is working
on a Report Card of its performance.
This time, election
manifesto labelled “Sankalp Patra” is
given special importance by the BJP as the focus of electioneering. The process of preparing the document is
democratised to make it a people’s exercise. The Party president went round the
country seeking people’s views and involving them in deciding the framework of
what the party claims to be the “New India” they want. In 2014, the BJP came up
with the idea of launching a website to seek suggestions from people. Later,
social media came to play a significant role in assembly elections.
The Congress has also
launched a website to gather suggestions for drawing up its election manifesto.
It is holding wide consultations with the public known as Jan Awaaz (people’s voice).
The word “manifesto”,
derived from the Latin “manifestum”, means clear or conspicuous. World famous manifestos include the United
States Declaration of Independence (1776), Declaration of the Rights of Man and
Citizens (1789) after the French Revolution, The Communist Manifesto (1848)
issued by Karl Marx and Friedrick Engels, and the Anarchist Manifesto (1850).
In British election
campaigns, launch of party manifestos is considered a decisive moment conveying
to the electorate what they can expect from different parties. Manifestos are
not only promises to capture votes, but they also set the agenda for the
government if the party forms the government. In this way, they are commitments
of the parties far different from platform promises.
One of the principles
agreed in 1911 in Britain states that: “Any tabled bill set out in the
governing body’s manifesto may be subjected to possible short delay, but pass,
but anything else would be subject to full debate”. The rule was clarified by
Lord Salisbury in 1945 to prevent House of Lords blocking any government
legislation promised in the election manifesto.
Intra-party
differences are perceptible in general election manifestos at the British,
Scottish, and Welsh levels showing sub-national differences. National identity
is prominent in Scottish and Welsh manifestos of the same party. State-wide
parties -- Conservatives, Labour, and Liberal Democrats -- now prefer to
produce detailed manifestos separately for each of the three countries that
make up the Great Britain.
British
parliamentarians hold that manifestos have a quasi-constitutional authority in
the unwritten British Constitution and parties are expected to stick to the
policies enshrined in them. This
document is generally very long. The manifestos of Labour, Conservative, and
Liberal Democracy contained over 26,000 words in 2015.
Writing party
manifesto is taken up by parties as a serious work in Britain. In the Labour
party, for example, the Parliamentary Labour Party, trade unions, constituency
labour parties, and affiliated societies take part in preparing the document
and it must be formally endorsed by all stakeholders at a special meeting of
the National Executive Committee. Conservatives, on the contrary, are flexible
in giving control of their manifesto to leaders at the central party organisation
almost entirely.
However, party manifestos
cannot be taken as agreed bonds. In course of time, they have lost credibility
and in many respects have become a mere piece of paper as a CJI remarked.
Judiciary has no authority to ensure parties’ compliance with the manifestos.
Governance is also not a simple matter to carry out any wishful ideas that may
come to political leaders.
The Model Code of
Conduct in India prohibits promises that would exert undue influence on voters.
But, the Code is not enforceable in a court of law.
Still, the Election
Commission can check fanciful promises that may misguide the voters. In August
2016, it censured the AIADMK for not being able to give a rationale and show
the means to raise the finances required to carry out poll promises in the
party manifesto like waiver of all farm loans due to cooperative banks, free
distribution of washing machines, steam boiler, and idli cookers, gift coupons
for all ration card holders, etc. The EC also asked the DMK to be more
circumspect and adhere to the Model Code of Conduct.
A PIL seeking
judicial action for ensuring compliance with manifestos was rejected. Writ of
Mandamus is “wholly misconceived” to enforce manifestos, according to a verdict
of Punjab and Haryana High Court.
Pre-poll alliances
have become common, but not common manifestos of constituent members. Recently, JD(S) leader suggested a common
manifesto for the mahagathbandhan
against the BJP, but it did not find takers. Some regional parties stick to
their poll promises regardless of their post-poll alliance.
In 1998, the Left Parties
comprising the CPM, CPI, Revolutionary Socialist Party, and All India Forward
Bloc issued a joint left manifesto expressing their commitment to a strong
secular-democratic system, a just social order for all oppressed sections, growth
with equity, and corruption-free and accountable government. The United Front
issued a “Common Programme and Joint Policy Declaration”.
In 2015, for the
Bihar Assembly election, the mahagathbandhan
of RJD, JD (U), and Congress issued a common manifesto which was almost copy of
the 7-point agenda of the JD(U) for welfare and development of the State.
In our neighbourhood,
the Awami League of Bangladesh, a 14-party alliance, brought a common manifesto
in 2008 and in 2018.
Manifestos, like
party flags and election symbols, have symbolic value. AAP and BJP exchanged
symbolic gestures of burning each other’s manifesto -- the former for
non-implementation of statehood for Delhi, and the latter for “tower of
failures” of AAP government.
However, voters do not
take manifestos seriously since performance and promises of parties are not linked
fully. Parties which supported GST and Women’s Reservation in their
manifestos, became strong critics of
GST and blocked women’s reservation bill in Parliament.
Ensuring compliance with
manifesto promises is a key reform needed in the electoral system to eradicate
the menace of empty promises and promote accountability of parties.--- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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