Round The
World
New Delhi, 15
February 2018
Modi in Middle-East
PLAYING THE BALANCING ACT
By Dr D.K. Giri
(Prof. International Politics, JMI)
Prime Minister Modi’s
recent visit to the countries of Middle-East was to meet, at least, four
interrelated objectives -- political, diplomatic, strategic and economic. He visited
three countries in three days -- Palestine, UAE and Oman, in fact four
including Jordan where he spent the night prior to a three-hour dash to
Palestine.
Pakistan had dubbed
India-Israel growing proximity as anti-Islam, and sought to fan anti-India
feeling in the Middle East. New Delhi needed to counter this calculated
narrative. The visit played the political balancing act hastening the receding
influence of Pakistan in the Arab world. It also helped enhance India’s profile
in a positive global leadership role, and more specifically in contributing to
the lasting peace in the Middle East.
Palestine President
Mahmood Abbas expressed this expectation in his welcome address, “we rely on
India’s role as an international voice of great standing and its increasingly
growing power on the strategic and economic levels in a way that is conducive
to just and desired peace in our region”. Abbas termed Modi’s visit as
historic, the first by an Indian Prime Minister. Furthermore, they conferred
their highest award on him, the “Grand collar of the State of Palestine”.
But, was the visit
symbolic, a political balancing act, ending up in signing six MOUs, $50 million
aid -- a super speciality hospital ($30 million) and women empowerment ($5
million), and scholarships of a few thousands dollars? Or India could be an
honest, impartial mediator in brokering a lasting peace between a secure Israel
and independent Palestine? That is indeed the challenge for India’s diplomacy. Is
South Block, led by Modi up to it?
A brief recall of
India-Palestine-Israel relations will help set the current context to assess
India’s Potential in performing the historic role. India voted against the
partition of Palestine and creation of Israel, by the UNGA Resolution (81(11),
29 November, 1947. In 1949, India voted against Israel in its admission to UN.
In 1950, it recognised Israel, and in 1992, New Delhi established full
diplomatic relations. In 2015-16, both Presidents of Israel and India visited
each other, and in 2017-18, so did both the Prime Ministers.
India is adept at
playing a balancing act, it goes with India’s culture grain of synthesising
contradictions, carving out a middle path in place of binary opposites. Both
Israel and Arab/Palestine have backed quite a way out of their original
irreconcilable positions. Israeli perspective articulated, among others, by
former Prime Minister and President Simon Peres, held that the old mandate of
Palestine chiselled out of Ottoman Empire at the end of the first world war
could have only two states -- Israel and Jordan. There is no scope for a third
one. The Arab States had vowed to destroy Israel, and Palestinians wanted to
drive Israelis into the sea.
Ostensibly, both
Israel and Palestine had recoiled from their recalcitrant positions and have
agreed to recognise each other as two independent sovereign States --
reconciling Israeli security with Palestinian self-determination. Palestinian
authority (PLO) once led by Yasser Arafat had discarded terror methods, and
Israelis agreed to restrain from forceful occupation of Palestinian
territories, both inclined to come to the negotiating table.
Modi could take a
leaf out of Bruno Kreisky’s life, the former Austrian Chancellor, a Jew himself
who had brought the two parties to the negotiating table in 1970s and 1980s, on
the basis of the following framework; (1) Israel be prepared to return to 1967
borders, prior to six-day Arab-Israel war on 4 June 1967; (2) Establishment of
Palestinian State comprising West Bank and Gaza Strip;(3) An agreement on
Israeli settlements; (4) Return of Palestinian refugees, and (5) Return of
territories taken from Egypt and Syria. The terms of negotiation can change on
mutual agreement, but these constitute a blue print for resolution of the
conflict.
Arguably, India is in
a pre-eminent position to broker a peace agreement between the two warring States.
It is true that Israeli has greater fire power, bigger army, more sophisticated
war machines, but relentless aggression does not lead to permanent and
maintainable peace; violence breeds more violence. If Modi’s tradition-breaking
visit were to be truly historic, he needs to initiate a durable peace process.
Modi’s next stop was
Oman where he held talks and signed eight agreements and pledged cooperation in
the fields of defence, health and tourism. He held delegation level discussions
with Sultan of Oman, Sayyid Qaboos bin Said AL Said. Indian companies pledged
$1.8 billion to the SEZs in Duqm, Sohar and Salalah. Both New Delhi and Muscat
agreed to build strategic oil reserves. More significantly, India was given
access to the key port of Duqm for logistical support and military use. NaMo
said his visit to Oman was ‘wonderful’.
The last stop in Modi’s
West Asia outreach was UAE, where he had to address the inaugural session of
the Sixth World Government Summit. His theme was ‘Technology and Development’,
wherein he urged the world audience that technology should be used for
human-development, not for their destruction. He and his team held wide-ranging
discussion with the crown prince of Abu Dhabi, Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, which
included common concerns like combating and countering terrorism, security,
space and defence cooperation, diversifying non-oil trade.
They talked about the
functioning of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership Agreement signed when Nahyan
visited India to be Guest of Honour on Republic Day parade in 2017. India and
UAE signed agreements on co-operation in various fields. The UAE-India High
Level Task Force met as UAE committed to investing $75 million on
infrastructure development in India. Both countries also agreed to explore
joint projects on development etc. in third countries.
Having noted that,
the India-UAE trade has grown up to $53 billion in 2016-17, both countries
affirmed to enhance the volume by focusing on non-oil trade, as they built
strategic oil reserves. The non-oil fields included civil aviation, climate
change and energy. It was agreed to promote the exchange of scholars, academic
and cultural delegations. India was invited to their Expo-exhibition in March
this year, and UAE was to the international book fair in New Delhi in 2019. Modi
underlined the fact that, for a vast number of Indians, UAE was their second
home. He thanked and hailed the cosmopolitanism of the UAE government for
providing space for Indians to follow their faith etc. This was his second
visit to UAE as Prime Minister.
Interestingly, Modi’s
first stop-over was in Amman, Jordan where he met King Abdulla II and spent the
night there, on his way to Palestine. This was the first visit by an Indian PM
after three decades since late Rajiv Gandhi was there. Both Modi and King
Abdulla expressed their mutual satisfaction over the meeting; “the meeting
would further boost India Jordanian ties”, tweeted NaMo. The king, who is
visiting India, by the end of this month, described the meeting as the
“beginning of a new chapter in bilateral ties.
Finally, New Delhi
under Modi, treats its relation with Israel and Arab world (Palestine) as
mutually independent and exclusive. It has effectively delinked the two, but it
has now to bring them back together in terms of a settlement of their
long-standing dispute, and go down in history as path-breaker, or
alternatively, as a partisan leader feeding on the so-called national interest
rather than fostering peace and harmony. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
|