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New Delhi, 12 January 2018
Politics on Roads
DANGEROUS FUTURE AHEAD
By Dr S. Saraswathi
(Former
Director, ICSSR, New Delhi)
New Year season is celebrated this year in
Mumbai with violent street level politics virtually paralysing normal life.
Various Dalit organisations, which normally meet to visit a memorial in
Bhima-Koregaon on the outskirts of Pune on 1st January, used the occasion to
reinvigorate Dalit politics.
In Maharashtra, it is the day to commemorate
the memory of a battle fought in 1818 between the Peshwas (Maratha rulers) and the
East India Company which won with the support of Mahar soldiers. Bhima-Koregaon
is a historic reminder of Dalit valour. While textbooks speak of East India
Company’s territorial expansion, the victorious role of their ancestors is
recalled by Mahars ever since Ambedkar’s visit to this place in 1927.
In the context of democratic elections
fanning caste affiliations and animosities, this year’s celebration of the day,
which completes two centuries, revived strong caste feelings. The occasion was
celebrated as a milestone in the repudiation and defeat of notions of caste
superiority and inferiority and victory of Dalits over Brahmins.
This was reason enough to give rise to
violent clashes between Dalits and Marathas causing widespread incidents of
violence and arson causing deaths and injuries. Maharashtra bandh was called by
Dalit leaders and organisations in the State which brought all activities to a
standstill.
The incident, though localised at State
level, has made an impact across the country. It is viewed as current course of
mainstream national politics signifying the return of Dalit politics to claim
its political space.
Dalit politics is presently taking shape in
India in which protests form an important part. Real events are getting
exaggerated with imaginary fears and provide opportunities for consolidation
and joint actions by Dalits. Most of the big States that are presently
caste-ridden in different ways for various purposes are subject to this identity
politics.
It seems very easy to ignite trouble among
the masses. History can be distorted and old events can be reenacted to keep
alive animosities and kindle hatred to fan violence. This is what happened in
Mumbai in reviving lost memories of an obscure battle and twist it as a caste
war and not the empire-building ambition of the East India Company.
The idea of protest is normally associated
with the image of a dissident minority taking a public stand in matters affecting
their interests in some way. Protestors are generally groups of people outside the mainstream that lack influential inside
connections with the wielders of power because of being a numerical minority or
having unequal access to power centres. Protest movements are integral part of
history in any country. From Boston Tea Party (1773) to Women’s March after
Trump assumed office (2017), US history is full of protests. The biggest was
the protest against Viet Nam war in 1969.
In recent years, protest politics has become
common all over the world -- West Asia, North Africa, America, Russia, and
India -- against repression, and economic inequality. It could be interpreted as
conscious awakening of the people to the immense power of joint action to bring
about the change they want in contrast to sudden and spontaneous revolutions of
previous centuries. Protest has become an effective tool of democratic action.
Protests in the form known as “bandh” take
place all over India for economic, territorial and administrative demands.
Anti-corruption crusade, reservation for Jats, sub-categorisation of OBC, closure
of Kudankulam nuclear plant, revival of jallikattu, Cauvery water dispute,
controversy over nationalism, and farmers’ plight are some issues that have
moved young and old alike and have caused prolonged protests on streets.
Rohit Vemula’s suicide in Hyderabad provoked protests
across the country promoting integration of Dalit groups despite controversies
surrounding the caste status of the person. Permanent protest venues have also come up in
many cities like the Jantar Mantar in New Delhi and the Marina in Chennai.
Dalit consolidation has models to emulate.
The most recent is in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where consolidation of the
Backward Classes politically under Yadavs in the 1990s brought a decisive
change in State politics. Two influential political parties emerged --
Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal
-- to lead and guide the politics of backward classes.
This development can reasonably raise a hope
among Dalits to enhance their political influence through Dalit consolidation
and uprising. The start is already strong with Mayawati’s BSP in UP. Her recent threat to quit Hinduism and join
Buddhism is re-enactment of Ambedkar’s strategy. The BSP is based on a vision
of Dalit unity and identity along with expanded meaning of Dalit to include
Other Backward Classes and also Dalit-Muslim unity necessary to win elections.
There are already some indications of integration
of Dalit movements politically taking place as a nation-wide movement. But, in
reality, Dalits, in the absence of a precise definition, comprise the SCs and
also the “more” and “most backward” of the castes designated as “OBC”, and are
scattered in various parties. They have also formed independent parties that
ally with bigger parties in elections.
Even within a State, there is no consolidated
Dalit front. The Republican Party of India, founded by Ambedkar, is now split
in groups. There are two parties claiming to represent Dalits in Tamil Nadu –
Viduthalai Chiruttaigal and Pudiya Tamilagam. Other States are no different.
In the political game of elections and
ministry formations, leaders fall a prey to appeasement politics and the
community does not get its “fair” share. As a result, they have become
significant accompaniments to other parties rather than strong independent
parties.
Maharashtra, the home State of Ambedkar, is a
natural breeding ground for Dalit politics now openly starting protest
politics. But, like other politically mature castes, they are also caught in
the web of electoral politics and thereby subservient to the dictates of their
political bosses. Dalits in Maharashtra and in India as a whole
constitute a numerically significant minority but with no hope of becoming
majority without expanding the umbrella of Dalit. Politically, it is a weakness
of the minority.
Maratha-Dalit conflict is not new to
Maharashtra. In the early 1980s, the two communities indulged in major violence
over renaming of the Marathwada University as Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar University.
It continued for over 15 years and ended in achieving the new name in
1994.
The 1970s witnessed the emergence of Dalit
Panther Movement in Maharashtra as a force to reckon with. Still, it had to grow under the patronage of
major political parties in elections. The resourceful Maratha politics drowned
the chances of independent Dalit politics.
Temple entry and equal right to worship in
Hindu temples and eradication of vestiges of the practice of untouchability still
continue as principal Dalit problems in the south.
The causes that surface are not the real
causes of Dalit unrest. We deceive ourselves by twisting real issues of
inclusive development to appear as caste conflict while Dalits are misled to
pursue non-issues and forget reality. What is wanted is education and jobs for
all.
If party politics is allowed to play its
mischief and exploit social divisions for electoral gains, the outcome will be
a dangerous future in front of us. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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