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Events & Issues
New Delhi, 10 June, 2016
Money Power In Polls
WHO WILL BELL THE CAT?
By Dr.S.Saraswathi
(Former Director, ICSSR, New
Delhi)
A major TV sting operation has exposed the degeneration of
electoral practices and enter the Rajya Sabha in its biennial polls on Saturday
to a new low.
Shockingly, some Karnataka MLAs and leaders of Parties are
caught negotiating rates exceeding Rs.5 crores as the price for their support for
a particular candidate. This is not all. Some independent MLAs are being hosted at a luxury hotel in
Mumbai by a Party as a price for their votes and to prevent poaching by rival
parties.
Besides, prior to this shameful episode, widespread seizure
of cash and thousands of complaints of cash distribution to voters led to the
postponement of polling in two constituencies – Thanjavur and Aravakurichi --
in last month’s Tamil Nadu Assembly elections.
In fact, a huge sum of Rs 6.75 crores was seized in the Aravakurichi
constituency by the Election Commission.
After examination of the situation, the Commission concluded that the
“seized monies and gift items were meant for distribution to electors as
illegal inducements to them”.
Polling was then rescheduled for 23rd May with
the hope that the vitiating effect of money power would lose its intensity and
a more congenial atmosphere for free and fair elections would emerge.
Unfortunately, postponement of the election did not help
cleaning the electoral environment.
Bribing voters continued as was evident by seizure of Rs.5.72 lakh again
on 18th May in Aravakurichi.
The Election Commission again surmised that conducting
elections in such a vitiated atmosphere would severely jeopardize the aim of
conducting free and fair elections. This
resulted in a second postponement to 13th June.
Rued the Commission, “money distribution had become
entrenched in the political culture here”.
Surprisingly, the two main contenders to power in Tamil
Nadu, the AIADMK and the DMK insisted on immediate election for reasons best
known to them. The Governor also recommended
election be held before 1st June.
Notably, distribution of cash and gifts is normally a last
minute effort to gather votes in public elections. Obviously, recipients are not likely to be
bound to the bribe givers forever. There is also competition among principal
contestants as it is a proven strategy
to increase polling percentage as also to influence voting choice.
The focus is normally limited to reachable individuals and
families rather than on entire
neighbourhoods and districts. Still, it
is a highly expensive strategy of vote mobilization compared to other methods
like advertisement in mass media and door to door campaign and can be adopted
only by “crorepati candidates” or with the backing of “crorepatis”.
This goes well with promises of freebies which are also a
form of inducements for voting in favour of a
party/candidate but not banned as illegal.
Undoubtedly, vote buying makes legislative politics less
policy-oriented and increases the power of Parties. Wherein ideologies,
policies, and programmes become insignificant before hard cash.
Whether it is the lower or upper house membership, the role
of money power in getting admission is an open secret. This power comes into play from the stage of
getting the nomination to counting of votes.
There is also another form of electoral bribery known as
“negative vote buying”, that is, paying people to stay away from the
polls. Known as “buying abstention”, it is highly
suitable for application within the legislatures.
Notably, in the course of over six decades of practice in
elections since Independence,
a new and novel link between candidates, Parties and voters is developed with
money ties. In this political game,
logically considered, common voters are always receivers of bribes and the
candidates givers whereas Parties and their leaders are givers to voters and
receivers for aspiring candidates.
Pertinently, vote buying, literally an economic exchange,
has become a common phenomenon in many emerging democracies. Before the days of secret ballot, it
flourished everywhere. Material inducements
are both in the form of cash and kind.
It is traced to the ancient Roman
Republic; seen in England in the practice of “treating voters” by
candidates to food and drink in the 1660s and in the birth of US democracy. The
term “vote buying” has its French, Spanish, and German equivalents used in
scholarly works indicating its presence.
Today, it is a worldwide phenomenon manifested in exchange
of money, goods or services for votes. Thailand
and Taiwan
even promoted a “pucca” system of intermediaries to carry on the
operation.
Close surveillance of voters and vote givers are reported in
Australia, Philippines and Russia. In Peru and Mexico, researchers have found that
access to social programmes served as cash incentive. Yet, vote buying is universally condemned as
an illegal practice of vote mobilization.
True, unlawful cash flow is effective at getting people to
the polls and thus increases the percentage of votes polled whether they vote
for the bribe giver or not.
But, it subverts the meaning of elections as instruments of
collective decision-making as it tends to replace the scope for deliberation
over public policies with narrow calculations of individual benefit. Consequently, democratic politics will become
a slave of money power with less and less concern for genuine public interest.
Undeniably, today, Rajya Sabha seats are extremely valuable
for the ruling BJP as well as the Opposition Congress as also for all small Parties. Indeed, despite a huge majority in the Lok
Sabha, the BJP is finding it difficult to pass several legislations as
Opposition MPs are more keen on playing Party politics in and outside Parliament
and in the “well” than their legislative functions.
Thus, sale of seats brings into Parliament people who can
and are willing to use money power and ignores
good leaders who cannot pay the price.
Do we need a non-functioning Rajya Sabha to obstruct
law-making and encourage political corruption?
People must act here and now.
Importantly, anti-vote buying movements have already emerged
in several countries. Thailand has initiated
Constitutional reforms to check “political cronyism”. In Argentina,
Brazil and the Philippines
there is a realization that the poor are targeted in this political trade
resulting in the quality of representatives declining.
Money power is likely to be patronized by black marketers
and criminals directly or indirectly and thus intensifies criminalization of
politics. This will result in lawlessness inside and outside Parliament.
However, efficient vote buying requires an efficient
organization, a dependable network, trusted managers and middlemen along-with
loyal field workers. Alas, Indian
players are not adept in handling this job and have landed in clumsy dealings
openly.
Besides, civic education is of no use in preventing poor voters
struggling for even basic amenities from accepting ready money and the rich
know the way to hide ill-gotten wealth.
Voter compliance with the terms of this trade is not certain. The secret ballot system is working fairly
well in India,
and therefore voter non- compliance in the trade cannot be easily detected in
general elections. We may reasonably
hope that this will teach a lesson to vote buyers in the long run.
Perhaps India
may take cue from countries which vigorously prosecute law breakers to combat
trading in votes. Law and Moral Code of
Conduct prohibit corrupt practices in elections. Implementation must follow. ----- INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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