Round The World

New Delhi, 20 April 2016

US-India Defence Deal

HANDSHAKE ALARMS CHINA

By Amrita Banerjee

(School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi)

Definitive changes in policy don’t happen suddenly one day; often these take over weeks and months, and sometimes years. India and the US joint defence collaboration, under the Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI), has resulted in a new security paradigm that found greater visibility by the recently-concluded visit of US Defence Secretary Ashton Carter to India.

The increased defence cooperation was manifest in New Delhi’s readiness to agree ‘in principle’ to sign the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) or traditionally called the Logistic Support Agreement (LSA) in the coming months by means of which the American aircraft and warships would be able to access Indian military bases for logistical purposes, including refueling, replenishment and repair. In turn, India’s military will enjoy similar access to US bases. The conclusion of this pact is slated to qualitatively transform New Delhi’s relations with Washington DC.

As is always the case in this realpolitik world, defence agreements between two countries often result in a ’security dilemma’. This is exactly what has happened to Beijing, which has responded cautiously to the Indo-US logistic pact. Even though Beijing has acknowledged that New Delhi is free ‘to make up its diplomatic policies based on its own interests’, it criticised Carter’s decision to drop Beijing from the itinerary of his Asia visit, which took him to India and the Philippines.

India has taken note of the Chinese concerns and so after a period of strain and drift in the relations with its Eastern neighbour, New Delhi is preparing for a new round of engagement with Beijing with several high profile interactions lined up in the coming week. Both Defence Minister Parikkar and National Security Advisor Doval are slated to meet the Chinese leaders. Later even External Affairs Minister Swaraj would meet her Chinese counterpart at the Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral in Moscow.

The new agreement between India and the US is imperative and strategic for both countries but the larger question is whether closeness to the US is advisable at the cost of China? History shows us that neither China (with which India has a war story) nor the US (which was a cold war ally of Pakistan) has been New Delhi’s true friends. Even today their closeness with India is based on their own strategic calculations.

China continues making ports around India, is carrying on with the China Economic Corridor (CPEC), is making dams on River Brahmaputra much to the annoyance of India and of late has even moved to block India’s bid to designate JeM chief Masood Azhar as terrorist by the UN, following the terror attack on Pathankot airbase in January.

Similarly, the US in spite of India’s repeated concerns continues to sell F-16 aircrafts and military helicopters to Pakistan, besides giving it aid increasingly in the name of tackling terror.  The US has also been willing to placate Pakistan on the nuclear issue, even implying that Pakistan’s tactical nuclear weapons programme was possibly a response to India’s Cold Start doctrine.

Against this backdrop, it becomes imperative for New Delhi to exercise a policy of balance as in contemporary geopolitics nothing is completely black and white; rather there are shades of grey attached. Hence, New Delhi must take care not to conduct its foreign policy through the American prism. More than China, care must be taken not to antagonise Russia, which has been India’s indispensable partner. Forsaking old friends, who have bailed out India in times of need, is not advisable and Moscow is definitely one such friend whose military prowess was exhibited in its actions in Ukraine, Crimea and Syria.

Clarity on Obama’s ‘Rebalancing Strategy’ is also the need of the hour because this policy concerns the continent of Asia, where Indian interests are based. New Delhi must ensure that it is not used as a pawn and a counterweight to China. The keenness of US to build fighter jets in India, conduct joint patrols with it in South China Sea (as it did with Philippines recently) can come with its own costs as this region has fragile peace because of the contested sovereignties.

Real power is when one can get what one wants without having to exert violence and this strength in dealing with countries abroad can only be derived from its resilience at home. The logistic agreement had been first proposed officially in June 2004, but the UPA government remained wary of seeing it through. The then defence Minister AK Anthony fiercely opposed it as he found it too intrusive and could be perceived as a signal that India was jettisoning its policy of non-alignment.

The Modi led NDA government has thus faired well by agreeing ‘in principle’ for the logistics pact and not signed it right away. Significantly, the logistics agreement, one of three foundational agreements’(the Communications and Information Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA), the LSA and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA) for geospatial intelligence, the US has been insisting on, was not signed in the course of Carter’s visit as the Americans had expected.

This gives New Delhi time to tackle the ongoing domestic debate over a possible loss of sovereignty. This pause is wise as the Centre must take a considered view of the repercussions that such a strategic alliance may have for India’s relations with other countries. Thus a firm handshake with the US is welcome, but it need not be an embrace, just yet.

Efforts to deepen defence cooperation in areas where India needs American technology and help must be considered and encouraged. The geopolitics and not so friendly neighbourhood of India propels the need to have a strong defence mechanism in place, be it in the form of investments in Maritime sector or building a futuristic infantry and this is where the DTTI with the US can come handy.

Thus, the finalisation of an Information Exchange Agreement (IEA) on aircraft carrier technology, as well as cooperation on air wing operations for carrier Vikrant must be encouraged because with the IEA is in place, India can gain access to the Electro Magnetic Aircraft Launch System (EMALS) technology.

Also its high time Indians should be united so far as national security interests are concerned and should speak in one voice. Any projection of a defence deal (that can possibly serve India’s interests) as a ‘sovereignty issue’ for political reasons would be a misrepresentation because any deal made should be viewed holistically and not one-sidedly. For instance, signing the LSA doesn’t just mean joining a military alliance with another country but it can serve useful purposes as well especially at the time of humanitarian rescue efforts such as Operation Raahat that evacuated Indian citizens from Yemen last year.

Forging well-considered and thought out pacts with US in future and cooperation that was visible when India recently handed over the remains of US soldiers (killed in plane crashes during the World War II in India’s northeast) talk ounce about the maturity in India-US relationship and would be a testament to the deepening defence partnership in future as well.

Thus, the only thing to be remembered here is the fact that in international politics, there are no permanent friends or foes; there are just permanent national interests. New Delhi’s moves, in this regard, should thus be well thought out and considered and not made in haste.—INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)