Events & Issues
New Delhi, 7 April 2016
Fight Over Casteism
IN POLITICS IT’S CHILD’S PLAY
By Dr S Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
Cases of honour killing following inter-caste marriages, hitherto
believed to be restricted to some States like Rajasthan or Haryana, seem to be
common all over India
not excluding the States recording educationally above national average. To the
surprise of many observers, the land
of Periyar EVR, the
unmatched crusader against caste and caste practices who also moved closely
with common people, is recording more and more instances of persecution of
couples marrying out of caste. Where one
is a Dalit, the event may end in a tragic death.
The latest in the series is the attack on one such couple
resulting in the death of a dalit youth
in Tiruppur district of Tamil Nadu. Since
2013 over 80 honour killings have been reported in the State and the victims include youth of
both sexes.
It seems that Periyar had succeeded in establishing some vital anti-brahmanical stand like anti-Sanskrit, but not the common attachment to caste that has taken deep roots among people
of all castes. Chanting of mantras in
temple worship in Tamil replacing the
holy Sanskrit is accepted, but inter-caste marriage is still intolerable
among many castes – high and low - provoking violent clashes.
One of the important regional political parties – the PMK
- has even condemned “love marriage” as
it is mostly inter-caste.
Many cases of “honour
killing” as punishment for inter-caste
marriage also fall under atrocities against SCs and STs and/or instances of
traditional patriarchy asserting its supremacy over women and the youth. Periyar’s
firm conviction that untouchability cannot be eradicated without abolishing
caste has made no dent in the society.
Like marriage, education is another area subjected to strong
caste prejudices. Educational institutions from elementary to research level not excluding professional and technical
courses are typical public places that
need to be educated on concepts and practice of rights, equality,
empowerment, development, and reforms. Rohit Vemula’s suicide in the Hyderabad University has been politicized leading
to a call for Rohith Act to end caste-based prejudices in campuses jointly by
the Congress, the CPI(M), and the AAP Party. They grabbed this opportunity to gain
political advantage by assuming a strong pro-dalit posture and by attempting to
malign their opponents.
But, the ruling party
at the Centre, the BJP, is neither the
originator nor the sole patron of caste
prejudices as they all know very well. The malady crosses party and caste borders.
Caste-based attachments are common throughout the caste ladder.
Those at lower levels are more keen to assert their superiority
over those at the bottom than joining with them to resist those above all of
them. Similarly, those at the middle
level are proud to claim superiority over all those placed at lower levels
rather than joining them. The practice
of “untouchability” within so-called “untouchables” still lingers in many places
however vehemently we may deny it. They
serve as the popular mandate for caste. The
satisfaction of having somebody below
seems to add flavor to the caste system
for its social functions.
The addiction to caste is too strong to be given up
easily. It also runs through the entire
hierarchy. How else can one explain the social ostracism of the Tribal Welfare
and Sports Minister of Odisha announced by the country’s highest tribal body
for allowing his daughter to marry a Brahmin youth?
Article 17 of the Indian Constitution in the chapter on Fundamental Rights abolishes “untouchability” and its practice in any form.
Imposition of any form of disability arising out of “untouchability” is an offence
punishable in accordance with the law.
Further, the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 amended and
tightened as the Untouchability (Offences) Act provides punishment for denial
of civil rights to the groups excluded so far. The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 is specifically intended
to prevent and punish crimes against the
castes so designated.
The term “atrocities” is used in the Act to refer to the
offences committed against SCs and STs that are “ shockingly cruel and inhumane”, whereas the term “crime”, generally used in
penal laws, refers to any act punishable under law. They are awarded
punishments higher than for similar offences under the Indian Penal Code.
One of the objectives
of the Act is to help social inclusion
of dalits into the Indian society
as equal members. The Act also provides
for special courts for trial of offences amounting to “atrocities” and for
providing for relief and rehabilitation of victims of such violence. However, reports of Crime Research
Bureau reveal high rate of complaints,
but low rate of convictions.
The Act has been amended in February 2016 to make it more stringent. It prescribes punishments for public servants for neglecting
their official duties relating to SCs
and STs. Special courts have to be set up at the district level with
exclusive public prosecutors to speed up trial process.
Despite these legal remedies to protect and safeguard the equal rights of
the weaker sections, shockingly cruel treatment
meted out to these classes as normal customary practice and as
punishment specifically for violating
any practice is reported from
various places as sensational news. Hundreds
of forms of discriminatory practices have been noticed by researchers. Forms of untouchability are also getting “modernized” in keeping with the changing
times.
Indeed, caste-based discrimination is a most complex human
rights issue that haunts India.
The findings of studies demonstrate the total ignorance of anti-caste laws and
utter disregard for implementation of the laws among people and law enforcing
authorities.
The remorseless behavior of some people committing
atrocities including “honour killing” manifested in their remarks openly condemning
marriage with dalits is evidence of both ignorance of laws as well as scant respect they have for laws.
Customs, conventions, and ritual practices restrain dalits
from asserting their rights; institutions like caste or Khap Panchayats, and assemblies
of village elders which resolve local issues and disputes in many villages without
any legal authority contribute a lot to the perpetuation of caste
discriminations in villages.
Ideas are changing but not at the rate required because of official apathy and inadequate and
lack of public outrage against inhuman caste discriminations. Constructing partition
walls, digging separate wells, forming separate queues in ration shops, and
providing separate bench for dalit students in classrooms are found easier by the authorities to prevent clashes, but they are not solutions for this long-standing social problem. On the
contrary, they are devices to perpetuate caste along with legal entitlements.
Education can certainly help social mobility and inclusion.
Positive political will to enforce laws against the practice of any degree of “untouchability”,
and earnestness in devising effective ways of ending social segregation on the
part of society and the State are necessary. The point is that it is futile and
looks like a child’s play to fight party battles over issues like that of
Vemula Rohith. Every citizen is a participant in the caste system. --- INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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