Round The World
New Delhi, 2 April 2008
Nuclear Deal
AN OBITUARY IN
OFFING
By Monish Tourangbam
The Shakespearean question “To Be or Not To Be?” over the
Indo-U.S. Nuclear Deal has been answered in the negative, albeit, subtly. The
recent visit of External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee to Washington, although significant for the
growing Indo-U.S. relations in diverse areas, seems to have given an obituary
to the deal in spite of high sounding official optimism.
Though the U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and
Mukherjee expressed confidence of continuing the deal, which the former termed
as a “landmark agreement”, the domestic realities in India and the ambiguity of
the Minister’s statements in Washington present a different picture. Two
governments in their last stages of tenure are reluctant to admit that the deal
is collapsing. India,
during Mukherjee’s visit last week, said that it would not move forward on the
deal until a political consensus was achieved.
While stating that India was aware of the time-frame
suggested by members of the U.S. Congress, the Minister also said that “events
have their own momentum.” Although India had finalised the language of
the safeguards text with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), he said
it was not in a position to give a time-frame by when the deal could be wrapped
up.
Statements from the U.S. Congress and Bush Administration
have been sounding the bugle continuously on the time-frame. According to American
officials like Senator Joseph Biden, for the Congress to make a final vote on
this issue in 2008, it is necessary that the agreement must land on the
doorstep of the Congress by latest May or June, which is a tall order given the volume of processes that
India has yet to go through. India
needs to firm up the agreement with the IAEA and secure changes in the
45-member Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) to enable nuclear commerce with it.
On March 1, The Hindu
reported some plain and aggressive statements from the U.S. Government
explaining the futility of a scenario in which India
would bypass the US
to engage in a civilian nuclear deal with another country. According to the
report, the US advises India against
such a step for the fact that no decision could be finalised at Nuclear
Suppliers Group (NSG) without a consensus. In effect emphasising that the U.S. was the
vanguard of the group..
It is reasonable to believe Mukherjee’s statement that it
will be an embarrassing situation for the country, if the successive government
doesn’t honour the deal, thus necessitating a resolution of domestic
differences, before any decision is taken. But, we cannot deny, at the same
time, that this will not mitigate the emergency of the time-frame and the fact
that both the governments are at the dusk of their tenure. Moreover, India has
already had a credibility gap by failing to sell a deal it had signed at the
international table, back home. Thereby, pointing to the lack of
“politicisation of foreign affairs” in the Parliament. The Americans have said
the pact may fall through if it doesn't reach the Congress by July as a short
legislative calendar before the November 4 elections could complicate its
passage. On the other hand, India
says that it cannot work to a deadline. Now, what could complicate the issue more?
On March 17, the Government and its Left allies had failed
to break the deadlock over the controversial deal, however, hoping to make
progress in a meeting the following month. But, knowing the Left’s stand viz India’s
relations with the U.S, the procrastination will only bring more frustration
for the Manmohan Singh Government. We all know that the Left’s stand is rooted
in instinctive anti-Americanism: a policy centred on anything and everything to
do with America.
Despite its long history in politics, the Left has never
been this close to the corridors of power and at least in this case, its new
found power seems to have affected the realisation of a pragmatic deal. As for
the BJP, this is a deal that it would have accepted with fanfare and “cries of
victory” when in power. Its preoccupation seems to be dictated by a goal to
pull down the government. Just as the present deal cannot be de-linked from the
Strobe Talbott-Jaswant Singh Talks, the 1998 tests carried with it the physical
and political preparations of the previous Congress governments.
The domestic cacophony over the deal and the fragility of
the UPA coalition has not stopped unravelling. The helplessness of the Congress
party in its negotiations with the Left ally over the deal, is being seen
increasingly. And the political rhetoric over the deal and larger Indo-U.S.
engagement continues to flow from the Left. It continues to criticise the
presumed shift in India’s foreign policy. Speaking at the inaugural session of the
CPM 19th Congress at Coimbatore last week, its party general-secretary Prakash
Karat, said that the party and other Left groups had been instrumental in
preventing the deal from going through and that effort should continue to undo
the military collaboration agreement.
“The struggle to disentangle India from the ‘strategic
embrace’ of the U.S. must continue,” Karat said. A.B. Bardhan, re-elected CPI
general secretary , who was a special invitee to the Congress said, “the text
of the nuclear deal negotiated with the IAEA is before the UPA-Left Panel. We
have not yet come to grips with it. But, the stand of the Left parties remains
unchanged: to oppose the deal.” So, it should be clear that the Left parties
come with a pre-condition, i.e., to oppose the deal, whatever the rhetoric. In
this scenario, the chances of a consensus seem bleak.
In an interesting development, Terrie Albano, a leader of
the communist party in the US, who was attending the CPM Congress told the The Hindu that she gave full support to
the CPM’s stand.
It is unfortunate scenario for Indian politics and the
interests of the country at large. With
a growing economy and a modernising society, energy security will become a core
challenge for India in the coming years. If India is to meet its target of
nuclear generation capacity of 250 gig watts, or 25 per cent of India’s power
by 2050, it has to import energy resources and nothing could be more satisfying
yet pragmatic than the current deal. As to the concerns of India becoming a
stooge of American power, India’s power vis-à-vis the American power has
relatively changed since the days of the Tarapur issue. It would be totally
unpragmatic for the U.S. to try and hurt the Indian economy looking at the kind
of inter-linkages that globalisation has brought and the growth of the Indian
economy. Moreover, India is not inexperienced in battling isolation politics.
All these facts might seem like an effort to burn wet wood
considering the fate that beckons the deal, but it is important to know the
kind of opportunities that fall victim to political rhetoric. The governments
in the U.S. and in India have sounded optimistic in public, probably, keeping
in mind the coming elections in both the countries. They would not like to
jeopardise a revival of the deal by making the obituaries public.---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature
Alliance)
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