Round The World
New Delhi,
21 January 2016
Sushma’s Tryst With W Asia
BALANCING WITH TWIN VISITS
By Amrita Banerjee
(School of
International Studies, JNU, New Delhi)
There is today no region which impinges on India’s security with as much immediacy as West Asia. In this regard, External Affairs Minister
Sushma Swaraj’s first-ever two-day tour to Israel
and Palestine
becomes important. This high-level visit comes just three months after
President Pranab Mukherjee’s historic visit. Swaraj’s presence in Israel is of special significance in light
of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s
proposed visit to India
later this year, as well as for Narendra
Modi’s much anticipated visit to the West Asian nation.
For centuries, West Asia has been India’s
extended neighbourhood, which is not only home to seven million Indians but is
also crucial for India’s
energy security (about 60%), resources, remittances, and national security. It
is also a factor in our food security as a major source of phosphate and other
fertilizers. Major maritime lines of trade and energy routes intersect in this
region infested with extremism. For all the above reasons, New
Delhi’s interest lies in a peaceful and balanced strategic
environment in West Asia. Thus, rekindling
India-West Asia’s truly historical, cultural, linguistic, religious and
civilization linkages comes as no surprise.
India too is significant for West Asia, as its political engagement with the region
encourages the latter to seek solution towards its conflicts and differences
through dialogue and peaceful means. New
Delhi’s support for peace in the region has been
principled and consistent. In fact, India
was the first non-Arab country to recognize the state of Palestine. Secondly, Indian opposition to the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction in the region has stabilized this
area to a great extent. For instance, it has recognized Iran’s right to the peaceful use of nuclear
energy while urging the international community to engage with Tehran through dialogue and by using the
IAEA’s expertise.
Thirdly, India’s
anti-piracy efforts off the Horn of Africa to protect the vital sea-lanes have
been applauded. Fourthly, India’s
defence cooperation and effective partnerships within the countries of this
region have helped them to stem the tide of terrorism and extremism. And
lastly, India
has stressed on building energy security through long term arrangements and
mutual investments and linkages.
Even though this region is of prime importance to India, a gradual abandonment of West Asia in its foreign policy lexicon was noticed in
the aftermath of the end of the cold war. It was during the post-cold war era
when India started inching
towards US-led-world system and forged a close strategic alliance for variety
of strategic and political reasons with Israel which was “not-the-priority”
earlier. The estrangement with the region further deepened in the post 9/11 era
when India chose to remain
silent on the matters related to West Asia.
This change was very prominently noticed by New Delhi during the two tenures of the UPA
government.
On matters of conflict in Syria,
Libya and Iraq, India
preferably remained on the sideline and at best chose to be the emulator of China and Russia rather than the competitor.
On Syria, India’s stance kept on oscillating between
voting with the US
and the EU in the UN and opposing them when they insisted on the removal of
President Bashar al Assad. In case of Libya,
India initially went along
with Russia and China to abstain on the UN vote invoking the
Right to Protect but later remained silent against the US and the EU when they turned the UN mandate
into an order for removal of Col. Muammar Qadhafi of Libya.
Following the ‘Arab Spring’, this region has undergone an
intense phase of political instability and radicalization coupled with the rise
of sectarian and ethnic politics, regional rivalry and subsequent mushrooming
of religious fanatic organizations and terrorism. The ascendancy of tribal
politics in Yemen and Libya, sectarian divide and bloodshed in Syria and Iraq,
the humanitarian refugee crisis and the recent arrest and execution of a Shia
Sheikh has created diplomatic tension between Shia and Sunni governments of Iran and Saudi Arabia respectively.
The contextual evolution and subsequent reinforcement of
Islamic State in Iraq
and Syria (ISIS) has become another source of disquiet and worry, posing an
imminent threat to global peace and security. The ISIS as an ideology has the
potential to distract bulk of youth from across the world and India is not
immune to it, with reports that a few Indian Muslim youth have left the country
to join the group. The changed international security situation in West Asia
has thus raised significant questions about India’s security too.
The other question that has been raised is India’s possible closeness with Israel viz-a-viz Palestine. Many of the region’s countries,
which swear by the Palestinian cause, had indicated unhappiness when India abstained from a UN vote critical of Israel last
year. The reaction to the public bonhomie Modi had demonstrated with Netanyahu,
whom he called a ‘friend’ on Twitter has also created a buzz. However, these
apprehensions are not true. In fact, India
has exercised extreme caution in trying to correct the perception that ties
with Israel would come at
the cost of relations with Palestine.
It is true that ever since India
established full diplomatic ties with Israel in 1992, their relationship
has come a long way. From tight-lipped defence cooperation, their relations
have blossomed into a multifaceted partnership, ranging from water technology and
agriculture to cancer treatment and space research. In recent years, interest
has been noticed in the field of private sector investments, academic research
and higher education and start-up ecosystem.
Similarities in political systems, victim of Islamic
fundamentalism and terrorism, Israel’s
aid during Kargil, her sympathy for India
on Kashmir question, booming technology in
both countries have brought them closer considerably. Simultaneously, India is executing several projects in Palestine to improve the
living conditions of the people, actively building capacity by extending
scholarships to its students and also building schools. India today has
signaled its willingness to take on a ‘larger role’ under a proposed UN mandate
to help resolve the conflict. Thus, India is deftly balancing its
fragile relationship with the two countries.
This region today is full of challenges and India as a
vital power and an economic giant cannot afford to be a mute observer. There
are few long and short term policy options which New Delhi can use effectively. The long term
options include- Prioritizing the
Region, understanding the political efficacy of contemporary world politics,
promoting soft power, fostering counter terrorism cooperation, recognizing
contestation for the regional leadership, committing to a balanced and
pragmatic approach between Israel
and the other nations of the region and moving towards creating conducive
entrepreneurial environment.
New Delhi’s short
term requirements would be fighting the ISIS
menace, managing the Big Powers and also talking to both the regional powers.
Despite the Hindutva credentials of the present government, Modi
through his ‘Link West’ policy is keen to break the conventional dichotomy of
Arab-India relations and Israel-India relations and the several high level
visits in the recent past is oriented towards this end.--INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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