Round The
World
New Delhi,
31 December 2015
Russia & West
JIGSAW PUZZLE, NO DEAL?
By Bartosz Duda
The
conflicts in Ukraine and Syria have
recently overtaken minds of most policy makers. The first, provoked Europe and
the US to distance from Russia but its military intervention in Syria caused
hesitations. However, the West shouldn’t come back to “business as usual”. In fact, the genuine transatlantic “no” to such policy towards Russia is the
one and only approach that would succeed and achieve the desired result.
Nonetheless, the problem lies with the chosen strategy and the measures taken
in order to fulfil it. The tricky part is that the transatlantic community doesn’t
have one in regard to Russia.
The current “no business as usual” approach should
not base only on the reactive containment. The fact is that, in the long run,
the lasting isolation of Russia
will be difficult to maintain and, more importantly, will be undesirable. The
West needs to overcome several obstacles and challenges that have been raised
within the EU and between both sides of the Atlantic.
It is indispensable in order to reach the goals aiming at providing effective
action plan in response to Russia’s
activity in recent years.
The
challenges and conditions that have to be fulfilled for the sake of the
successful long-term “no business as
usual” policy are: Preservation of unity and solidarity within EU towards Russia. Saying
that the EU’s unity is the condition sine
qua non for its operative external policy is one of the most favourite cliché in Europe.
One would then say it’s not worth to keep mentioning it. Although, it is. The
gravity of the present situation calls for the need of European solidarity.
Therefore, the stiff position of all member States towards Russian aggression
in Ukraine
and the unanimity in terms of the necessity of sanctions has to be appreciated.
Secondly,
there is need for renewal of the transatlantic alliance with regard to growing
divergence between allies. The divergence of interests between the partners has
become a habit instead of being incidental. It is the weakening the US commitment
in European security that is the main source of discords. It does not only
relate to American presence in the EU, but to its influence in Wider Europe and
MENA region as well. Hence, the importance of the Transatlantic Trade and
Investment Plan is nowadays greater than ever. The successful result of
negotiations could be a kick-starter for the renewal of the alliance and a
significant message to the rest of the world, proving that the report of the
end of Western world was an exaggeration.
Thirdly, an effective
management of international crises in Syria
and Ukraine. These
conflicts are currently the most pressing problems for the transatlantic
relations with Russia.
Moreover, both are inextricably linked. The fate of Ukraine
will affect Syria
and vice versa. Most importantly, these are at the same time the biggest
challenges for the European unity and durability of the transatlantic alliance.
The eastern
crisis put to an end the “strategic partnership” with Russia. Despite
the fact that Europe succeeded in posing
sanctions unanimously against Kremlin, the united front cannot be taken for
granted in future. One of the main threats for the unity is the influx of
refugees which is the consequence of the war in Syria
and recently the French hunger for revenge after the terrorist attacks in Paris. Lack of the solidarity
from some European countries in this matter calls into question the further
unity in terms of sanctions. Hence, Europe
cannot try to solve these issues separately from each other.
In the
meantime, the general attitude of the US
towards the crises in Middle East causes
serious frictions with their European partners. Washington, being also liable for this chaos
is not very keen to burden the generated costs, just to mention modest help
regarding the refugee influx.
Unfortunately,
the Russian bomber shot down by Turkish fighting falcon makes the whole issue
more blurred and complicated. One has to keep in mind it was in fact the NATO
that brought down the Russian warfare machine. It questions the Western
capabilities to form the much-needed coalition against ISIS.
At the same time, Russia
will not manage to overcome its international isolation if Turkey will not
be involved in the whole process.
What
can be done? The implementation of Minsk
agreement is unlikely to be finalised. Consequently, the new form of settlement
is needed. The Normand format should be replaced e.g. by Geneva’s. The American presence in the
negotiations would be an important factor strengthening Ukraine. The
problem is the ensuing presidential elections, so it is unclear if Barack Obama
would really like to get involved in resolving Russian-Ukrainian conflict. On
the other hand, efforts in order to stabilise the situation for any price
before the end of his term of office could bring devastating consequences for Kiev. Thus, real progress
is possible after the polls.
The end of
the war in Syria
should be the greatest priority for all sides even if that would be a means of
keeping President Assad in power. However, it would be totally unacceptable for
Turkey.
Neither the transatlantic community is eager to let it happen, although the
West is getting more flexible.
One has to
be aware of contradictory interests of particular actors. The West wants to
contain ISIS and remove Assad, therefore it supports Syrian opposition,
including the Kurds who are very efficient in the fight against ISIS. Russia
backs the current regime, fighting the opposition. Turkey
would also like to depose Assad but at the same time it is ambiguous towards ISIS, due to its actions in order to defeat Kurds. Iran’s major
interest is to maintain internal stability. Hence it would like to keep Assad
in power. Consequently, Saudi
Arabia which is always trying to counter the
Iranian influence supports the Sunni opposition. In this regard, the Bosnia and Herzegovina
scenario should be considered as the best possible option for any positive
changes in the country.
In order to
reach any consensus, the country will have to be decentralised where three separated
regions with Alawites, Sunnis and Kurds will establish a form of confederation.
However the Dayton scenario directly to
implement in Syria
will not be a sustainable solution considering its effects in BiH after 20
years. For the mid-term perspective the best option could be if these three
“cantons” will become de facto some
sort of protectorates of Iran
and Russia
(Alawites), Gulf countries (Sunnis) and the West (Kurds). Despite doubts and
limitations, the initial deal has to be treated as a part of transition
process, given the fact it is always better to continue it at the table than on
the field.
Europeans
should press their American ally in order to receive more substantial support
in the Middle East crisis. That would be
crucial in case of any negotiations with Russia. The presence of the whole
EU in solving both conflicts will be desirable.
The current
reality requires from the West to seek the mutual accord with Russia where it
is necessary, without trading any arrangements for substantial concessions in
other important aspects. Therefore, the policy of differentiation and the close
transatlantic cooperation with greater European initiative and activity,
especially in terms of hard security within NATO, is much needed. ---INFA
(Courtesy, Centre For International Relations,
Poland)
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