Round The World
New Delhi, 30
June 2015
Rising Hate Crimes
TRUST DEFICIT IN US
By Amrita Banerjee
Research Scholar,
JNU, New Delhi
The mass shooting on 17 June
at Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston,
South Carolina, US
raised very pertinent questions about the frequency and extent of hate crimes
in America.
A 21-year old white Dylan Roof's who had earlier posted a racial manifesto
online was charged with shooting and killing nine people, including a senior
pastor and State Senator Clementa C. Pinckney.
Notably, hate crimes in the
US,
as a category of deviance has become a part and parcel of American life today.
Though it wasn’t the first time that an incident of this kind has happened,
Charleston seemed different as the nation led by President Obama rallied
together to express their shock and disapproval.
Undoubtedly, the Charleston attack raises many critical issues impinging on
the US
polity and social fabric. One, the fragile relationship between whites and
blacks and the age-old racial fissures which refuse to go away. According to
recent FBI statistics, there were a total of 3,407 hate crimes motivated by
race in 2013 out of which 2,263 attacks were on Black or African Americans.
In fact, an average
African-American still believes he can get no justice at the hands of a
white-dominated jury system or respite from the law enforcement agencies. Recall,
last August, the fatal shooting of an African-American youth by a Ferguson (Missouri)
policeman erupted in large-scale violence. The jury’s decision not to indict
the officer only widened black and white estrangement.
Perhaps the most
questioned aspect of the criminal justice policy and enforcement is the
continued high rate of incarceration of African-Americans, considered
disproportionate to their numbers in the country’s population. This perceived
imbalance causes maximum offence to most African-Americans across the nation.
Indeed, the Charleston attack bore strong resemblance to the racist
attack against a politically active black church in Birmingham, Alabama,
back in 1963. The Charleston
church is one of US’ oldest black churches and has long been a site for
community organization around civil rights. At that time this historic church
stood amidst a black majority locality which changed considerably since 1980 to
become a white majority one in 2010.
Two, is the vexatious
question to ensure that firearms do not fall into wrong hands. Alas, the cold
reality in America
is that persons with a dubious record can also get gun licences by taking
advantage of the Constitutional ‘right to bear arms’, A provision which has
been very loosely interpreted.
A catalyst in this
appalling situation is the clout that the pro-gun lobby like the National
Rifles Association (NRA) enjoys. President Obama, who waxed eloquent in favour
of a stricter gun policy before he was elected, had to tone down his opposition
to the NRA because the latter is politically too powerful to be antagonised.
True, the White House go
all out to give expression to its determination to put an end to the gun menace
whenever there are serious incidents like the Virginia Tech case in April 2007
and the Connecticut
Sandy Hook Elementary
School case in December 2012. However, such
resolve does not go beyond rhetoric.
Moreover, the Administration’s
travails are compounded by a judiciary that has put its foot down against any
wholesale ban on firearms. It endorses only reasonable restrictions on
ownership and the right to carry a weapon from place to place.
Three, is the question whether
the Charleston massacre
can be called an act of terrorism. As terrorism is defined as a violent crime
to intimidate or coerce civilian population by means of mass assassination or
destruction to draw attention of the Government to their cause. From what we
know so far about Dylan Roof's apparent motivation and behaviour, this
definition fits.
Besides, many people have
noted that the only obvious difference between Roof and the people Americans
have in recent years called terrorists is that Roof is white and not Muslim.
One petition, calling on the Department of Justice to prosecute Roof as a
terrorist, has gathered over 50,000 signatures.
Add to this, South Carolina does not
have a hate crimes law and federal investigators believe that a murder case alone
would leave the racial component of the crime unaddressed.
Categorizing mass
violence motivated by bigotry as domestic terrorism would also compel the Federal
Government to study, monitor, track, prosecute and ultimately prevent the
hateful actions of radical right groups stimulated by notions of white
supremacy.
Thus, it is vital that
the Federal Government allocate resources towards countering violent extremism
by hate groups that target communities of colour and faith.
On this sombre occasion,
President Obama even delivered a passionate discourse on America's racial history and then broke into
song during a eulogy for the State Senator and pastor, slain along with eight
other black churchgoers in the Charleston
massacre.
As an emotive homage this
is likely to be remembered as one of the defining moments in his Presidency but
much of Obama's address was focused not directly on Pinckney, but on social
strains that his death has underscored: race, gun control and the country's
Civil War.
A clearly dismayed Obama
even said that the US
should again look at how killers get their hands on guns. But at the same time he
admitted the difficulty of passing legislation or even addressing the issue of
gun control in a gridlocked Washington
of entrenched political interests.
In a nutshell, one can
say with certainty that hate violence stubbornly persists in the US and
Americans must mount multi-pronged, structural approaches to confront it. Whereby,
in order to address the roots of hate violence perpetrated by individuals, one
must come to terms with the structural inequities in America.
The cycles of economic,
education, incarceration and housing policies that abandon, criminalize and
disenfranchise black and brown people foster an environment in which hateful individuals
feel empowered to violently target already marginalized communities.
Americans must disrupt
these cycles through policy and culture shifts that include dismantling the
narratives, propelled by xenophobia, Islamophobia and racism that are constructed
about black and brown communities as people who are undeserving of benefits and
rights.
Half a century on, as the
carnage in Charleston
resonates in the US South, it poses a question mark over the Administration’s
capacity to harmonise ties between the nation’s two largest communities. No
amount of official window dressing or affirmative action to uplift the black
masses has helped bridge the chasm.
Undeniably, there is a
trust deficit in the US.
India
too has a problem of police biases against minorities. But then, some deft
balancing of administrative processes has helped us achieve a more than
marginal positive impact on furthering social cohesion. Perhaps the U.S. has something to learn from India in this
regard. ----INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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