Round The World
New
Delhi, 16 June 2015
Myanmar Operation
RULES OF
GAME CHANGED
By Amrita
Banerjee
(Research
Scholar, JNU, New Delhi)
The news that caught the nation’s
attention recently was the speed with which the Special Forces wing of the
Indian Army launched a covert military offensive, allegedly conducting surgical
strikes deep inside Myanmar,
in response to one of the most gruesome and deadliest attack by north-east
insurgents in two decades on the Indian Army in Manipur on June 4. The three
insurgent groups – the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN
(K)), the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) and Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) –
claimed responsibility for the attack. There have been reports of the Indian
intelligence carrying out successful telephone intercepts between Chinese PLA
officers and Khaplang.
However, this was not the first such
operation. Recall, to curb such inter-State terrorist activities from across
the borders, Operation Golden Bird had been conducted along the Myanmar border in 1995 and Operation All Clear
inside Bhutan
in 2003. But what is different this time is the swift speed of execution of the
operation along with a determined political will.
However, the operation has given
rise to a fierce debate at home, i.e. whether this action was justified by
means of the ‘doctrine of hot pursuit’ under international law or not. If we
delve into a little bit of history, we find that the doctrine of hot pursuit
owes its origin to the law of the seas, and had emerged to empower a coastal State
to pursue on to the high seas a vessel that had violated its laws within its
waters.
Over the years, some countries have
sought to introduce an expanded doctrine of hot pursuit on land, to justify the
breaches of territorial sovereignty of foreign States as part of the on-going
pursuit of offenders. For instance, in 1986, South Africa sought to justify its
incursions into neighbouring African States on the basis of the doctrine of hot
pursuit, inviting the condemnation of the United Nations Security Council. More
recently, Kenya
sought to justify its military actions against Al-Shabaab militants in Somali
territory on the basis of this adapted doctrine of hot pursuit, again inviting
criticism from the international community.
As is explicit, the doctrine of hot
pursuit is a highly controversial one and hence is generally rejected. The
Myanmar Operation today is also criticised on this ground. But India’s legal
position would be best served by calling this operation self-defence which has
witnessed a normative evolution, particularly in relation to non-State actors,
following the events of 11 September 2001.
Questions were also raised about the
fact that India has breached
international law as official authorities in Myanmar had not been informed about
the operation. But these allegations can be conveniently side lined because the
Indian Defence Ministry and the office of Myanmar’s
President Thein Sein had together confirmed that the Army’s Special Forces had
crossed into Myanmar
to execute the operation. Also, such controversy is uncalled for because there
is a treaty between the two nations from the 1990s on operations across the
border in hot pursuit of the militants.
The other issue that is raised is
whether the Indian Army would replicate the same in Pakistan? What one needs to bear in
mind is that carrying out surgical strikes in Pakistan is a different ball game. Pakistan is an enemy nation and Myanmar is not.
Sending troops to Pakistan
will escalate the problem and might blow into a full-fledged war. In the case
of hitting militants or terror units across the LoC, Indian forces will not be
assured of support or even neutrality from the Pakistani authorities.
There are several important facets
that have emerged out of this operation. First, is the issue of a marked shift
in the security doctrine and the political decisiveness of Prime Minister Narendra
Modi who himself had sanctioned the operation. The Army and intelligence
agencies can provide the inputs and menu of options, but in the end such
operations require a political call which involves substantial risks in case
the operation failed. This would further strengthen Modi's no-nonsense
reputation.
Second, is that this operation would
give an important boost to our Armed forces and the intelligence agencies.The
cross-border operation itself is significant and signals that political
willingness now exists in New Delhi to pursue
those that target the State even beyond India’s territorial borders. The
political leadership has given the Army the necessary cover to push ahead and
this is the exact way confident nations’ work.
Third, the operation underscores the
importance of acquiring and sharing accurate actionable intelligence for
planning and success of operations of this nature which carry high political
costs. Also, it highlights the importance of joint operations not just between
various defence services but also within the ambit of defence diplomacy with
the defence forces of the country across the border.
Fourth, it is heartening to see the
National Security Advisor and Chief of Army Staff coordinate the conduct of
operations, but it should be an exception. Strategic security operations demand
not only a highly integrated Defence Ministry but also coordinated ministries
of Home and External Affairs. Neither political will nor military leadership
can ensure success, unless a nimble higher defence management organisation with
the functional and support structures for planning and execution are created.
Finally, covert operation is a
deadly game of punch and counter punch. The cross-border strike has just
changed the rules of the game, not ended it. The game goes on, as the solution
is not military but political. Also, the military forces and the intelligence
agencies should be on their toes to keep vigil and ready to respond in case any
retaliation takes place from the rebel camps.
The most prominent discussion that
should draw the attention of the people in context of the Myanmar Operation is
not the fact about India’s
capability to conduct precision strikes or engage in “hot pursuit” but to
showcase how the two elected sovereign governments can simply be on the same
page to effectively take on disruptive non-State actors. The other important
issue that needs highlighting is about how we can maintain peace and
tranquillity in our border regions by discouraging “third party” encouragement
and interference through the use of non-State actors.
Shaken by this operation, the most
worried State, Pakistan
seemed to send feelers across the social media every now and then that it isn’t
Myanmar and that any such
action by the Indian army on Islamabad’s soil
would invite trouble for New Delhi.
To these lackadaisical statements made by the official authorities in
Islamabad, one can only say that if Pakistan isn’t Myanmar, then neither is
Kashmir the south of Afghanistan where it can send its armed proxies at will.
---INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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