Events &
Issues
New Delhi, 1 April 2008
Doha Round Talks
UNREALISTIC & LITTLE HOPE
Dr.
P. K. VASUDEVA
It has been reported by the
commerce and industry ministry that India
is preparing for a WTO ministerial meeting in Geneva in May 2008. This has raised the hope
that there could be a successful resolution of the ongoing Doha Round
negotiations. The reason being attributed for this meeting is that the US would like to settle the Doha
agenda before the US
Presidential elections. While this is certainly in the interest of all the WTO
members, India should not
show undue haste to cobble together an accord just for the sake of
accommodating the US
election schedule.
The country has seriously taken
the WTO Director-General, Mr. Pascal Lamy’s suggestion that since there is no
point in continuing with the negotiations as one gets closer to the US polls, these
would need to be suspended around mid-year. According to him, a Ministerial
meeting held before the suspension would not only imply political acceptance by
the WTO member-States of the progress made before the talks are suspended, but
would also make it difficult for the next US Administration to ignore what has
been achieved at the negotiating table.
Lamy’s point of view seems to
have some weightage, but the more important point is to truly agree on a body
of accords that could then be formalised by the proposed Ministerial meeting. So
far the prospects of a meeting point between the developed and the developing
countries seem bleak. In fact, just a couple of weeks ago, the Commerce
Minister Kamal Nath made it clear that there were around 150 points of discord
in the farm negotiations, which had to be reduced to not more than 50 before a
ministerial could be held. The scale of the disagreement, as indicated by Nath is
the result of intense bargaining spread over nearly six years, which makes the
expectation of having two-thirds of the troublesome points being settled in the
course of another five or six weeks unrealistic.
This is one of the dangers the Doha
Round is facing today, one that could derail the WTO from the good work it is
currently doing (mainly in the dispute-settlement sphere) and also ‘defang’ it vis-a-vis future trade liberalisation
programmes. Nath has time and again emphasised that the content of any
agreement is much more important than meeting schedules, a point reiterated by
the EU Trade Commissioner as a principle earlier when he said viz the India-EU
trade talks that both New Delhi and Brussels wanted to
“deliver what is best for both of us and not the fastest”.
Much is being expected of the
revised agriculture and non-agriculture market access (NAMA) drafts, which will
be released shortly, as also of the services’ negotiations (of crucial
importance to New Delhi), which have finally got under way. The ground
realities, however, point to hurdles which will be difficult to cross in so
short a time.
The point of concern is that
the problems in the way of clinching an agreement on the Doha Round have been
there right from day one. This was more than six years ago, when the talks
began after the fourth WTO Ministerial conference held in Doha in November 2001, with two deadlines —
the original January 1, 2005 and the unofficial target of end 2006 — passing
without any substantive progress in overcoming the obstacles. Thus, it would be
nothing short of a miracle if, in the course of the next three weeks, a
worthwhile initiative suddenly materialises and produces results which have for
long eluded the best international trade negotiators.
Admittedly, a hastily
arranged patch-up is possible but, as New
Delhi has warned, any “accord” must stand or fall on
its contents and not on its scheduling. In fact, the strongest signal that the
Doha Round talks were as good as dead was hoisted in June 2007, when the G-4
Potsdam negotiations (among the US, the EU, India and Brazil) collapsed, with
the Commerce Minister stating unambiguously that the developed countries were
looking “at promoting and protecting the prosperity of their farmers” while in
India the effort was to protect “the livelihood of our farmers”.
The blame was put on Brazil and India for not being flexible. The
point being conveniently overlooked that the rich economies were expected to
sacrifice a proportionately larger part of their economic interest compared to
the poor in terms of the Doha Development Agenda. The gulf between the two
sides is still so wide that while, Kamal Nath focused on the problems in the
farm sphere, the EU Trade Commissioner, Peter Mandelson, said he was more
worried about the differences on issues pertaining to trade in industrial
goods. The responses indicate that the revised agriculture and non-agricultural
market access (NAMA) drafts, released in February 2008 by the chairmen of the
respective WTO negotiating groups in Geneva,
have made no effective progress.
Does this mean the end of the road
for the WTO? Not quite. Because while the Doha Round has failed to make
progress till now, trade liberalisation measures distilled from the earlier
rounds remain in force — rules and guidelines that can still be used by
aggrieved parties to seek redress from the WTO’s dispute resolution bodies.
Instructively, the latest beneficiaries have been both the developed and
developing worlds, the US,
the EU and Canada winning
their case against Chinese auto-part import tariffs, and India and Thailand having their stand on US
import conditions for shrimp exports upheld.
The Commerce Ministry has
done well to draw attention to the need to focus on the content of the Doha
Round negotiations rather than on the schedule. Admittedly, there is nothing
new in this because this has precisely been New Delhi’s stand over the past couple of
years. Even so, the issue has gained in importance now because of the critical
shortage of time available to the international community to get a WTO deal
done. This is perhaps why the emphasis has now shifted to the so-called
“horizontal” approach, in which participants in the negotiations are expected
to include officials, envoys and even Ministers.
As Nath has put it, the
urgency with which the negotiations need to be conducted has to be “calibrated
against the backdrop of realism” and, what is even more important, it has to
“match the aspirations of the developing world” and conform to the
development-oriented spirit of the Doha Round. While the telescoping of the
negotiations road-map is understandable, given the indispensability of getting
a deal signed and delivered by the end of the year, the ground conditions in
the different sectors are far from conducive.
Thus, if one takes the farm
scenario, the specific issues which have to be settled are not only quite
voluminous--the US Trade Representative, Ms Susan Schwab, has said that “a
significant number of the 40-odd outstanding issues” in the farm talks need to
be settled before Ministers can be asked to join the negotiations — the
differences among the various parties involved on a number of intra-sectoral
subjects remains as big as ever.
Further, while the talks on
agriculture--which have not made any substantive progress --have hogged the
limelight, the negotiations on market access for NAMA, as the Commerce Minister
sees it, have been plagued by the fact that the last draft text represented the
views of “only one set of advanced countries while almost completely
cold-shouldering the views of over a 100 developing countries”.
In view of all this, it is apparent
that the outlook for the Doha Round is bleak, and it remains to be seen whether
the fresh agriculture and NAMA drafts, to be presented shortly by the chairmen
of the two negotiating groups in Geneva,
will help to alter its fortunes. The problem is that even if they manage to do
so, there are a host of other areas such as services, rules, trade-related
intellectual property rights, etc, which may play spoilsport. Not because of an
intrinsic inability to resolve the differences, but because there is just not
enough time to discuss in-depth the problem-issues, without which a truly
useful Doha Round for the poor world would not be possible. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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