Open Forum
New Delhi, 14 August 2013
Regionalism Vs Nationalism
INDIA’S MOST DANGEROUS DECADE
By Dr S Saraswathi
(Former Director, ICSSR, New
Delhi)
India is presently going through a most
“dangerous decade” akin to the 50s. Sentiments of regionalism within regions are
getting to be strong in many States as these arise and are nurtured by multiple
factors. These sub-regional sentiments can and do divide linguistic unity. One
of the biggest challenges today before the country, in its 66th year
of Independence,
is to subdue these fissiparous forces to the bigger national interests.
However, knowingly, the political class just does the
opposite. The recent-most case before us is of Telanagana. A separate State forebodes
some serious disturbances to peaceful life in Andhra Pradesh that once
spearheaded the movement for linguistic States. Besides, with many claims for
statehood – some as old or even older than that of Telangana, a chain reaction
is, inevitable.
Advocates of smaller States argue that smaller size
facilitates better administration and better development. This is in contrast
to Nehru’s idea that “small States make small minds”. He batted for
multi-lingual and multi-cultural States when faced with the problem of
re-organization of provinces after independence. He was willing to concede the
demand of any individual language as the basis for formation of a separate State
on merit, but did not accept that the principle could be adopted for wholesale
re-organization of provinces. That itself was reversal of the Congress stand on
linguistic States during the Freedom Movement.
There have always been contradictory views on the formation
of linguistic States in India. Even the States Re-organization Committee’s
Report, which is erroneously considered as the report on linguistic States, did
not endorse the linguistic principle in toto. While recommending separate State
for some major languages like Telugu, Tamil, Kannada, Marathi, Malayalam, and
Bengali, it presented a case for both linguistic and multi-linguistic States.
Pressures for integration and not linguistic principle decided the cases of
over 550 princely States that merged with India.
The linguistic principle, from the beginning was not for
“one language, one State”, but for “one State, one language”. Explaining this
position, B R Ambedkar worked out several safeguards against what was termed as
“linguistic communalism” that was strongly emerging with great expectations in
free India.
The presence of linguistic minorities in a unilingual State was unavoidable
throughout India
despite demarking State boundaries at the village level.
Besides this, no linguistic group has ever been a unified or
a homogeneous group. The population of all major language-based States exhibits
several dissensions within on account of unequal development and opportunities
open to different regions within the linguistic region.
Factors that can divide a linguistic group to the extent of
promoting demands for separate States were not unknown in the days of the SRC.
They have become more and more pronounced in course of time as growth and
development at different pace intensify real as well as perceived inequalities.
Better awareness of the people adds to bitter feelings. Divisive factors are exploited by political
parties for creating vote banks and for whom winning elections is the one goal
overriding everything else.
Creation of States of widely differing size was another
issue that bothered some of the members of the SRC. An idea to create smaller States out of four
bigger States, namely, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
and Uttar Pradesh was mooted by Ambedkar. He could foresee the distinct
possibility of bigger States with larger membership in both houses of Parliament
assuming dominance over smaller States in an elective democracy. In the days of one-party dominance at the Centre,
it was even believed that only Uttar Pradesh could give a Prime Minister for
the country.
In the formation and re-formation of States, certain general
conventions are being followed. Secessionist demands have been rejected and no State
is formed on the basis of religious identity. No linguistic State is considered
without the backing of popular demand of the concerned group and no division is
made without the concurrence of all affected linguistic groups.
Telangana is a case of dividing an existing linguistic State
of Telugu on the demand of people of that
territory known as Telangana, which mainly comprises the old Hyderabad State.
If past practice in creating new States is to be followed, the proposed
division has to have the concurrence of the people of the present AP duly
expressed through the State Assembly.
Telangana shows the power of regional identities over
linguistic unity. It is present in many other States. These identities are
partly based on historical and cultural factors and partly grown out of
political frustration and a sense of backwardness.
Growth of a kind of internal colonialism is actually
experienced and/or imagined in all States which have intensified their cry for
separate States after the Government’s nod for Telangana. Bodoland and Karbi Anglong in Assam, Gorkhaland and Kamtapur in West Bengal,
Vidharbha in Maharashtra, Garoland in
Meghalaya, for instance, are not likely to silently watch Telangana coming up.
They are demonstrating the needed public demand and are prone to follow the
successful agitational method of Telangana supporters.
Already the previous Government of UP adopted a resolution
in the State Assembly for dividing the State into four. Demands that have
weakened in recent years and fresh demands like that of Mithilanchal,
Saurashtra, Tulu Nadu, Kosal, Kukiland, Coorg and many others are likely to get
encouragement. Indeed, the number is too
large to be listed out here. There is an apprehension among some people whether
we are heading towards a re-organization of a United States of India.
The situation is caused by the failure of our system and
institutions to achieve “development for all”. Party politics flourishes on
divisive methods. We accused the British Government of following a policy of
“divide and rule”, but we are also specializing in the same policy.
Unfortunately in India, a person’s feeling of
identity is strongest at the lowest level and gets weaker at every higher
level. For many, national identity is
notional and comes last or even unknown.
Local identities – village, caste, language, district and State are real
and felt.
Sub-regional identities behind statehood demands are not
likely to be discouraged by political classes interested in building political
careers. More States mean more posts in political parties and in governments at
various levels and wider reach of the system of patronage.
Common people unaware of political machinations fall in the
trap and imagine that a separate State is the panacea for their deprivations.
Far from that. Regionalism has a tendency to multiply with every division.
Remember, the rise of “creamy layer” within SC, ST, and Backward Classes under
the Reservation Policy. ---- INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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