Round The World
New
Delhi, 9 July 2013
China hosts India-Pak Together
IT TAKES THREE TO TANGO!
By Shreya Upadhyay
Research Scholar, School of International Studies, JNU
It takes
two to tango, but China
has shown that it is equally comfortable with a diplomatic threesome. Beijing hosted arch rivals India
and Pakistan
simultaneously recently. And strategically worked with both on
similar issues from different perspectives and dictated its terms on bilateral
issues of engagement.
During exchanges with Defence Minister Antony, the Chinese side agreed
that defence exchanges were an important facet of India-China strategic and
cooperative partnership for peace and prosperity. No matter a PLA General’s
hawkish warning New
Delhi against “stirring up the boundary dispute” overshadowed Antony’s visit.
On the
other hand, Beijing dished out billions
dollars worth agreements , including announcing two major projects running
through Pakistan-occupied-Kashmir (PoK), notwithstanding long- standing Indian reservations on this. To top
it all, was by the hawkish stance of a PLA General.
Notably, Beijing
states this peculiar convergence between diverging interests is coincidental.
Yet in one stroke, China
made it clear to both that it was not ready to play ball with one at other’s
cost.
Apart from Beijing’s
own deep economic interests in the sub-Continent, the US pivot to Asia-Pacific and the uncertain
regional security scenario post NATO’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, has forced the new Chinese
leadership to intensify its engagement with both India
and Pakistan.
Moreover, both neighbours have attached
considerable value to improving strategic ties with Beijing over the years. While China and Pakistan
enjoy an all-weather partnership for half a century, Beijing
and New Delhi have
established strategic cooperative partnership since 2005.
Significantly,
Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has chosen Beijing as his first foreign destination
after assuming office in June. His focus being to expand economic and trade
ties, strengthening partnership and finalising a trade corridor between the two
countries.
Remember,
over the years Islamabad has considerably
drifted away from Washington
particularly after Osama Bin Laden’s Abbottabad killing in 2011. Thus, Pakistan is looking up to China more than
ever not only on the strategic front but more importantly to strengthen its
ailing economy and fulfil energy needs.
Sharif’s
Administration is bound to concentrate on dealing with lack of growth, rising
inflation and severe power shortage. Thus, his visit was to fortify bilateral
trade links with his entourage attended a Sino-Pakistani Energy Forum in Shanghai and met with the
leaders of a power company. Sharif also met with officials of the China
Investment Corporation sovereign wealth fund, China Development Bank and China
Power Investment Corporation.
Undeniably, the Sino-Pakistan cooperation is now
moving from the nuclear weapon-missile domain to strategic transport corridors
and communication links. Analysts view Sharif’s visit as aiming a counter-balance
US
and Indian influence in the region. Indeed crucial in the wake of US drawdown of troops from Afghanistan and India’s growing presence
there.
Earlier this year, Islamabad had authorized Chinese acquisition
of Pakistani Gwadar port. China’s
ownership of the port is to gain access to the Arabian Sea and Strait of Hormuz, pathways for a significant share of the
world's oil. Beijing
now wants Pakistani help to build an economic corridor to the southern port
city from the China-Pakistan border.
The visit also witnessed China
committing itself to two new projects in Pakistan. The first, an $18 billion
economic corridor linking Xinjiang in Western China to Gwadar port on the Arabian Sea. This 820 km-long corridor includes a 200 km
tunnel that will run through PoK. The second, laying of a first-ever fibre
optic link from China to Rawalpindi, the GHQ of the Pakistan military. The proposed
communication link will also pass through PoK. This is bound to have strategic
implications for India
as well as the region.
Nevertheless, it needs to be understood that Islamabad has nothing concrete to offer Beijing. Sharif
desperately needs Chinese economic investment but concerns about Pakistan’s stability have limited Beijing’s economic assistance to Islamabad. On the contrary, Pakistan’s
alleged support to the Taliban and other Islamists is a matter of concern for
the Chinese Establishment.
China has approximately $3.5 billion
in investments in Afghanistan.
It expects the Pakistanis to keep the terrorists at bay there. The come-back of
the Taliban and its support to the Muslim Uighur separatist groups in the
volatile Xinjiang province is worrying Beijing.
Also, there have been continuing attacks on Chinese nationals in Pakistan.
Obversly,
Sino-Indian ties have improved in the last few years even though irritants
continue to crop up from time to time. But both countries have been following a
twin-track diplomacy wherein they handle political differences
diplomatically while continuing to engage with each other economically. Consequently,
there is a sharp focus on trade and other multi-lateral issues such as
climate change. There is a deep anxiety within Chinese top leadership that
India should not become
part of any anti-China coalition with Washington.
During his visit, the first by an Indian Defence
Minister in seven years, Antony
called for “strategic communication” between the two militaries and the Chinese
Premier referred to the two countries as "brothers", a portrayal of
the so called Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai rhetoric of the late
1950s. While the official welcome dealt with the need for a stable and positive
bilateral relationship, the spoiler came with the Chinese media carrying the
far more provocative remarks of the retired PLA general.
Maj Gen Luo Yuan warned India against provoking the PLA by
increasing military deployments at the border area and stir up new
trouble. When Indian officials took up the matter with their Chinese
counterparts they met with the same predictable, monotonous disclaimer: Luo’s
thoughts did not reflect official views.
The remark while not official needs to be viewed in
the context of hardliners versus moderates
in China and the
implications for India.
This fits with the blow-hot-blow-cold policy usually followed by Beijing that has often left Indian officialdom
confused and unable to fathom Chinese intentions and in turn affected New Delhi’s policy response to China.
Despite these reservations it cannot be ignored
that frequent visits have worked favourably to mitigate mistrust between the
two Administrations to a certain extent. However, what is needed is greater
inter-action between the two militaries. Joint military exercises, visits
to military facilities and the creation of institutional linkages between
military-backed think tanks and universities which can go a long way in
upgrading the Sino-India ties.
With China's
increasing footprints in South Asia, one has to
see how adroitly it manages its security as well as economic interests in the
sub-Continent. Clearly, New Delhi needs to sit
up and take cognizance of where the Sino-Pakistan nexus is heading and how it
might impact India's
national security.
Unfortunately, so far our foreign policy pundits
have been adept at only playing down threats from the neighbours. Rhetorical
embellishments of peace and cooperation sound well in diplomatic tete-e-tete but it is important that India prepares
itself for some realist action as and when such a situation is forced on it.
----INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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