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India’s National Security Plan: ACHIEVABLE OR A CHIMERA? By Amrita Banerjee, 18 June, 2013 Print E-mail

Round The World

New Delhi, 18 June 2013

India’s National Security Plan

ACHIEVABLE OR A CHIMERA?

By Amrita Banerjee

Research Scholar, School of International Studies, JNU

 

National security is imperative to maintain the State’s survival through the use of diplomacy, power projection, economic and political power, a concept developed in the US after World War II. Initially focusing on military might, it now encompasses a broad range of facets, all which impinge on a country’s non-military or economic security along-with values espoused by society.

Undeniably, India is a study in contrasts and contradictions: Extreme poverty and lack of opportunities coexist with rapid economic growth and wealth, thereby creating “two India’s.” These discrepancies, compounded by a wide range of external and internal destabilizers, produce enormous potential for discord.

The world is changing very fast and new security challenges are rising daily. The anachronistic Maoist insurgency, 50 painful terrorist attacks till date (45 are post-2000), cyber insecurity, volatile Jammu & Kashmir and North East, corruption, religious fundamentalism and extremism demand an early National Security Strategy.

Alongside, our security and socio-economic progress is influenced by regional dynamics wherein, what began as quest for a multi-polar world amid fears of American hegemony after the Cold War, is now faced with the prospect of a China-dominated uni-polar Asia.

Additionally, Chinese footprints in regions of strategic concern to India and its support to Pakistan are growing. The nuclearisation of South Asia, instability in Afghanistan and adjoining regions of Pakistan makes the Indian sub-Continent one of the world’s most volatile regions.

Consequently, our security planners need to strengthen India’s defence and security capabilities to deal with any potential threat to the nation's territorial integrity and internal cohesion. As knee jerk strategies would prove costly. Recall, a beginning was made when the National Security Council (NSC) was constituted in 1999, as earlier attempts in 1990 proved short-lived.

Yet, the Government has not put out an official document outlining the country’s National Security Strategy. Two reasons for this state of affairs: Lack of political consensus and coordination on national security issues. For instance, there is no agreement on how to treat external challenges from troubled neighbourhood or threats to internal security from Maoism, insurgency or religious fundamentalism.

Second, the Government has been unable to address the crucial issue of coordination required to formulate and address national security matters. Worse, the NSC lacks resources and powers to enforce anything. Also, departmental interests being strong, it becomes difficult to synchronise them.

True, counter-terrorism is one area where we have made considerable progress since the 26/11 Mumbai attack. These include establishing and strengthening our intelligence capabilities with the Multi Agency Centre (MACs) and National Information Grid (NATGRID), Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 (UAPA) amendment in 2011, constituting and empowering the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and modernisation of police forces by assisting State Governments.  But, the preventive mechanism envisaged under the National Counter-Terrorism Centre (NCTC) is yet to fructify.

In fact, the need for a federal anti-terror agency NCTC, based on US lines, arose post 26/11 Mumbai attacks. Which brought to the fore several intelligence and operational failures, making it imperative that one needed a federal agency with real-time intelligence inputs of actionable value specifically to counter terrorist acts.

However, while the American NCTC deals only with strategic planning and intelligence integration without any operational involvement, its Indian counter-part would have not only intelligence functions but also powers to conduct operations.

Notably, States oppose this centri-petalisation of power that would violate their autonomy as law and order is a State subject. Adding, with the NIA already establishment, the NCTC creation would only add to bureaucratic tangles in intelligence-sharing and counter-terrorist action.

Notwithstanding, Union Home Minister Shinde’s new proposal of a NCTC with diluted, even assuring that it would carry out anti-terror operations only in the “rarest of rare cases”. But States refused to bite, the Centre-State tug-of-war continues.

Another potential threat that India faces is the Cyber threat. American scholar Joseph Nye categorises cyber threats as cyber warfare, cyber espionage, cyber crime and cyber security. Cyberspace is considered as 5th “Global Commons” after sea, air, space and outer space.

Adds sociologist Manuel Castells in his book The Internet Galaxy, modern life has become a glass house. It is the life-blood of information sharing and processing which is being critically attacked across the world.

Significantly, President Obama’s “Pivot to Asia Policy” explicitly outlines the need to guard America against Chinese cyber threats. India and Australia too have expressed concerns against China’s hackings.

Shockingly, the sweeping surveillance of the Internet (as revealed by whistleblower Edward Snowden) by the US under the PRISM programme exposed that India was its fifth largest target, more than China, Russia and Saudi Arabia. Clearly, a worrisome development.

Further, technology is no more the sole preserve of States. This exclusivity has been broken by non-State actors as the technologically-aided 9/11 New York air attacks and 26/11 Mumbai naval attacks show.

Besides, in this uncertain world of cyber threats, the good news for India is that it has the necessary cyber skills, people and knowledge to combat this. Another encouraging development is that the Government has set the ball rolling with the proposed National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC) and the National Defence University in Gurgaon.

Moreover, with diminishing gaps between internal and external, traditional and non-traditional security there is urgent need to build a broad political consensus on national security issues. Something we should learn from the US where the Democrats and Republican Parties are united on their national security issues.

Undoubtedly, we urgently need a realistic and balanced 10-years National Security Strategy document as national safety leads to country-wide development. As it would help not only clarify confusion over national security matters and consolidate the Government’s responses, but also recognize the challenges and underline opportunities.

Thus, an effective counter-terrorism strategy encompassing intelligence, police, and legal reforms along-with clear rules of engagement with insurgents and terrorists should be adopted. Similarly, a counter-insurgency strategy aimed at firmly dealing with insurgents while addressing the grievances of the alienated groups within the Constitution should be put in place.

Furthermore, border management should be given high priority. An effectively regulated border which discourages illegal movement but facilitates people-to-people contacts is necessary and modern border management practices should be adopted. Visa regime and immigration policies should be overhauled. The link between internal security issues and external factors, e.g. externally sponsored terrorism, fake Indian currency, drugs etc, should also be specified.

Plainly, the policy environment, crippled by the lack of a strategic culture, needs foresight. Although, India’s political situation has demonstrated tremendous resilience, in spite of difficulties, the country can sustain its positive trajectory only with a more secure environment which can be provided by an official National Security Strategy. ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

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