Round
The World
New Delhi, 17
April 2013
Chinese Checkers
INDO-US DATING IN ASIA VITAL
By Monish Tourangbam
Associate Fellow,
Observer Research Foundation, New
Delhi
Undoubtedly, India and the US engage across a broad spectrum
of issues. However, the crucial question today would be: Is there one strong
idea that could redefine the relationship and push it to the strategic level in
the true sense of the term? Given the complex web of linkages that define
international relations in these times, there are multiple directions that the
two nations need to care for, and implementing the potential areas of
partnership in this scenario is a practice in adroit diplomacy.
As Asia becomes the true
engine of global growth, both India
and the US have defined and
acted on two broad strategic visions--India’s
Look East Policy and the US’
rebalancing strategy towards Asia-Pacific. What is notable is the inherent
congruence in these two foreign policy drivers. How the two Governments truly
carve out mechanisms to get the most out of this meeting of minds, is something
that, in real terms, could put the relationship on a clear strategic pedestal.
As the Obama
administration refocuses America’s policy attention and revives its role in the
Pacific region, India should get out of its strategic myopia, look beyond its
immediate environs, set long term goals and climb the bigger stage towards the
power game unfolding in the region. India
began setting sights on Southeast Asian and East Asian economies, with the
onset of its own economic liberalisation that freed India from the infamous “Hindu”
rate of growth, and over the years, its Look East policy has acquired a life of
its own, gaining political and security dimensions.
And, make no mistake. India’s foray towards its East and America’s refocus towards Asia, despite their
public denial, aims to prevent the rise of a hegemonic China in the
region. US Secretary of State John Kerry’s
recent statement in Tokyo, during his Asia tour is one such pointer. He stated; “It is
increasingly clear that what happens around the Pacific matters around the rest
of the world now more than ever before. After all, this region is home to both
enormous opportunities and enormous challenges at the same time, and how we
handle them together will be felt for a long time everywhere in the world.”
The US primarily intends to extend its partnership
beyond traditional allies such as Japan,
South Korea and Australia to Southeast Asian countries and India. It is high
time New Delhi, steps beyond its inherent lack
of trust for western countries, fully embraces the emerging strategic
partnership with the US,
and plays a role, commensurate to its ambitions and resources in building the
new Asian security architecture. India has often been criticised for
lacking a strategic culture, but the problem is not so much a lack of it, as it
is a failure of our political leaders to optimally use the resources available.
While there is an
emerging crop of active think-tanks in New Delhi that offer non-partisan views
and assessment of international affairs, political leaders unfortunately show
very little interest in military or strategic issues. Reports regularly focus
on the Armed Forces and the Ministry of Defence being at loggerheads and that the
Ministry of External Affairs is clearly understaffed to design and implement
the new-age Indian foreign policy. However, precious little is being done to
correct this deficiency. For instance, Singapore,
with a population of around 5 million, has a Foreign Service about the same
size as India’s, while China’s is
eight times larger.
At a time when the
Chinese and Indian Navies are in a race to go beyond coastal defence, to
becoming blue water Navies, with mightier offensive capabilities, the Indian Navy,
is reportedly, getting the lowest share of the defence budget. It gets only 19%
of the budget compared with 25% for the Air Force and 50% for the Army. Further,
an archaic defence procurement system repulses prospects of major deals, and a
history of corruption in such deals, including the latest surrounding a $750m
order for helicopters from Italy’s
Finmeccanica, eats into the reliability of the entire system.
Moreover, India’s own Defence
Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), controlling the defence
industrial sector, has become a symbol of late, expensive and ineffective
deliveries. Apparently, only 29% of the products developed by it in the past 17
years have entered service with the Armed Forces.
China’s interest in developing
its presence in the Indian Ocean is well known and India
and the US, which favours freedom
of navigation and secure trade, should do the utmost to prevent the Indian Ocean from becoming a “Chinese lake”. The Indian
military conducts more exercises with their US counterparts than with any other
country, and this is a welcome change given the residual distrust towards the
US, resulting partly from its previous arms embargoes against India, its dalliance
with notorious Pakistan, and also partly from India’s reluctance to become a
junior partner to the US. In the past decade, the contours of the relationship
between India and the US has shown
that both countries can, indeed, maintain their own strategic autonomies and at
the same time work towards common goals.
The most important factor
that should drive the two forward is the fact that they do not have any
fundamental conflict of interest. In most cases, differences are more
ideological, and tactical in nature. In the days to come, one of the most vital
strategic decisions for India
would be: how to balance its relationships with two eminent powers in the global
system, the US and China? And
unfortunately, one of them happens to be its neighbour, and a cause of concern,
given its strategic designs intended to constrain India’s influence within the subcontinent.
India and the US are sceptical regarding the nature of China’s rise
and are already creating networks in the region to prevent it from controlling
the Asian hemisphere. But, US-China economic interdependence is holding the UPA
Government in a state of policy paralysis. New Delhi
seems concerned that when the time comes, the US
and China will create a
power condominium, leaving India
in the lurch. This thinking also prevents India from going too vocal against
the Chinese. But, India
is too big herself, to be caught, in such a web. An
escapist mode of procrastinating decisions, for the fear of displeasing Beijing will take New
Delhi nowhere.
Indeed,
there is a great game unfolding in the Asia-Pacific region, and the United States is playing its own, trying to
sustain its receding power in the face of a rising China. In these circumstances, India needs to find its own game plan, and a greater
engagement with the US in
Asia, would create greater leverages while dealing with China. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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