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Chinese Checkers: INDO-US DATING IN ASIA VITAL, By Monish Tourangbam, 17 April, 2013 Print E-mail

Round The World

New Delhi, 17 April 2013

Chinese Checkers

INDO-US DATING IN ASIA VITAL

By Monish Tourangbam

Associate Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi

 

Undoubtedly, India and the US engage across a broad spectrum of issues. However, the crucial question today would be: Is there one strong idea that could redefine the relationship and push it to the strategic level in the true sense of the term? Given the complex web of linkages that define international relations in these times, there are multiple directions that the two nations need to care for, and implementing the potential areas of partnership in this scenario is a practice in adroit diplomacy.

As Asia becomes the true engine of global growth, both India and the US have defined and acted on two broad strategic visions--India’s Look East Policy and the US’ rebalancing strategy towards Asia-Pacific. What is notable is the inherent congruence in these two foreign policy drivers. How the two Governments truly carve out mechanisms to get the most out of this meeting of minds, is something that, in real terms, could put the relationship on a clear strategic pedestal.

As the Obama administration refocuses America’s policy attention and revives its role in the Pacific region, India should get out of its strategic myopia, look beyond its immediate environs, set long term goals and climb the bigger stage towards the power game unfolding in the region. India began setting sights on Southeast Asian and East Asian economies, with the onset of its own economic liberalisation that freed India from the infamous “Hindu” rate of growth, and over the years, its Look East policy has acquired a life of its own, gaining political and security dimensions.

And, make no mistake. India’s foray towards its East and America’s refocus towards Asia, despite their public denial, aims to prevent the rise of a hegemonic China in the region. US Secretary of State John Kerry’s recent statement in Tokyo, during his Asia tour is one such pointer. He stated; “It is increasingly clear that what happens around the Pacific matters around the rest of the world now more than ever before. After all, this region is home to both enormous opportunities and enormous challenges at the same time, and how we handle them together will be felt for a long time everywhere in the world.”

The US primarily intends to extend its partnership beyond traditional allies such as Japan, South Korea and Australia to Southeast Asian countries and India. It is high time New Delhi, steps beyond its inherent lack of trust for western countries, fully embraces the emerging strategic partnership with the US, and plays a role, commensurate to its ambitions and resources in building the new Asian security architecture. India has often been criticised for lacking a strategic culture, but the problem is not so much a lack of it, as it is a failure of our political leaders to optimally use the resources available.  

While there is an emerging crop of active think-tanks in New Delhi that offer non-partisan views and assessment of international affairs, political leaders unfortunately show very little interest in military or strategic issues. Reports regularly focus on the Armed Forces and the Ministry of Defence being at loggerheads and that the Ministry of External Affairs is clearly understaffed to design and implement the new-age Indian foreign policy. However, precious little is being done to correct this deficiency. For instance, Singapore, with a population of around 5 million, has a Foreign Service about the same size as India’s, while China’s is eight times larger.

At a time when the Chinese and Indian Navies are in a race to go beyond coastal defence, to becoming blue water Navies, with mightier offensive capabilities, the Indian Navy, is reportedly, getting the lowest share of the defence budget. It gets only 19% of the budget compared with 25% for the Air Force and 50% for the Army. Further, an archaic defence procurement system repulses prospects of major deals, and a history of corruption in such deals, including the latest surrounding a $750m order for helicopters from Italy’s Finmeccanica, eats into the reliability of the entire system.

Moreover, India’s own Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), controlling the defence industrial sector, has become a symbol of late, expensive and ineffective deliveries. Apparently, only 29% of the products developed by it in the past 17 years have entered service with the Armed Forces.

China’s interest in developing its presence in the Indian Ocean is well known and India and the US, which favours freedom of navigation and secure trade, should do the utmost to prevent the Indian Ocean from becoming a “Chinese lake”. The Indian military conducts more exercises with their US counterparts than with any other country, and this is a welcome change given the residual distrust towards the US, resulting partly from its previous arms embargoes against India, its dalliance with notorious Pakistan, and also partly from India’s reluctance to become a junior partner to the US. In the past decade, the contours of the relationship between India and the US has shown that both countries can, indeed, maintain their own strategic autonomies and at the same time work towards common goals.  

The most important factor that should drive the two forward is the fact that they do not have any fundamental conflict of interest. In most cases, differences are more ideological, and tactical in nature. In the days to come, one of the most vital strategic decisions for India would be: how to balance its relationships with two eminent powers in the global system, the US and China? And unfortunately, one of them happens to be its neighbour, and a cause of concern, given its strategic designs intended to constrain India’s influence within the subcontinent.

India and the US are sceptical regarding the nature of China’s rise and are already creating networks in the region to prevent it from controlling the Asian hemisphere. But, US-China economic interdependence is holding the UPA Government in a state of policy paralysis. New Delhi seems concerned that when the time comes, the US and China will create a power condominium, leaving India in the lurch. This thinking also prevents India from going too vocal against the Chinese. But, India is too big herself, to be caught, in such a web. An escapist mode of procrastinating decisions, for the fear of displeasing Beijing will take New Delhi nowhere.

Indeed, there is a great game unfolding in the Asia-Pacific region, and the United States is playing its own, trying to sustain its receding power in the face of a rising China. In these circumstances, India needs to find its own game plan, and a greater engagement with the US in Asia, would create greater leverages while dealing with China. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

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