Events & Issues
New Delhi, 12 March 2013
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ONGOING POLL YEAR TAMASHA
By Dr S Saraswathi
(Former Director,
ICSSR, New Delhi)
A growing demand on the two major national parties – the
Congress and the BJP -- to announce their prime ministerial candidate before
elections is getting shriller. In fact, it has become a point of confrontation between
them sounding like both a challenge and a provocation to each other.
Recall that such a demand was not heard as a serious poll
year issue in the last 15th Lok Sabha elections though the race for prime
ministership was not absent and at times was even bitter.
General elections 2014 in India
has already become “the” forthcoming event most talked about everywhere from Kashmir to Kanyakumari. Theoretically modeled on the Westminster pattern but
with a carefully drafted written Constitution drawing many ideas from other
democracies, the Indian parliamentary democracy is unique in its own way. It
has made some original contributions in running a parliamentary system which
shows that the system can work in ways other than the model it has copied.
The post of the Prime Minister does not emanate from any law
in Britain.
Like other members of the House of Commons, the Prime Minister is also one
elected to represent a constituency. This is in sharp contrast to the direct
election of the President in the presidential system of the American democracy.
The Indian Constitution provides for a Council of Ministers
with the Prime Minister as the head to aid and advise the President in the
exercise of his functions. And, the Prime Minister is appointed by the
President.
Since the beginning of the 20th century, all the Prime
Ministers in Britain
have been members of the House of Commons.
Prior to 1902, some had come from the House of Lords. With the reduction
of the powers of the House of Lords in 1911 under the Parliament Act, the
convention is for the Prime Minister to be drawn from the Lower House only.
In India,
however, the Prime Minister can be a member of either House of Parliament. If a
non-member is appointed, he should become a member within six months.
At the recent BJP National Council meeting held in Delhi, Gujarat Chief
Minister Narendra Modi stated a real but ignored fact that the question of the
talk about who would be the Prime Minister was futile. Ever since his powerful
development-centred speech earlier in a prestigious college in the Capital, and
the subsequent eloquent oration in the National Council meeting, interesting and
provocative rumours are making the rounds of his growing chances of being named
as the prime ministerial candidate of the BJP or a BJP-led coalition government
at the Centre. No wonder, such rumours are instantly received with approbation
by approvers and with suspicion by others.
On the other side, the elevation of Rahul Gandhi to Number 2
position in the Congress as Vice-President, behind his mother as the President is
interpreted by many as a prelude to his candidature for prime ministership for
the Congress or a Congress-led coalition government after elections. In fact,
this elevation within the party, which only confirms officially the existing de
facto position according to some independent observers, is not a necessary stepping
stone for entry into Government.
Rahul Gandhi’s denial since then that he is neither in the
race for this post nor has an ambition for power and position has introduced an
interesting new situation. It nullifies the expectations raised earlier in the
statement of some party loyalists about “prime ministerial material” in this
young leader.
Importantly, the Prime Minister is not a figure head in the
Indian democracy. He is the real head of the Government. In the present
atmosphere of highly complex politics, and extremely difficult economic
conditions to cope with, being head of the Government is not an easy job or an
attractive position. That person must be extraordinarily resourceful keeping
abreast of what is happening around and must be conciliatory in approach. He
must enjoy not only the support of his/her party and alliance partners but also
the confidence of the entire nation.
The Prime Minister is and should be seen as the Prime Minister
of the nation and not of any particular party or combination of parties. His
personal qualities and official thinking must reflect the good of the nation as
a whole. Though he belongs to a political party, he has to hold the scales
evenly between various parties. His attachment to his Party must be ideological
only and not personal.
In this era of uncertain electoral verdicts and post-poll
alliances of parties to form governments, many Presidents have faced problems in
identifying a leader who can form the Government. President R Venkataraman
wanted to establish a rule of inviting mechanically the largest party in the
Lok Sabha which meant in 1989 a ridiculous situation of inviting the leader of
the defeated party. The same principle followed in 1996 led to the fall of the Vajpayee
government in 13 days.
The principle has since been altered and the practice of
ascertaining the ability of the leader to show convincing majority support in
writing has been evolved. The coalition
governments headed by Deve Gowda in 1996, LK Gujral in 1997, Vajpayee in 1998
and 1999, and of Manmohan Singh in 2004 and 2009 have been formed on the
written support of majority in the Lok Sabha.
The difficulty in selecting a leader acceptable to all the coalition
partners has not been an easy job for the alliances. This is what led Vajpayee
in 1999 after his defeat in the confidence motion by one vote, to challenge the
Opposition Congress eager to form an alternative government to name their Prime
Minister.
The Congress which was then averse to coalition government
wanted to form a minority government with outside support. But, a prospective
ally backed out on the leadership issue. It was the difficulty of alliance
partners to agree on their leader that compelled President K R Narayanan to
agree to dissolve the Lok Sabha and call for a fresh mandate in 1999.
Selecting the Prime Minister is fraught with serious
consequences to the longevity of the Government itself in coalitions formed by
numerous small parties with no acknowledged leader. Indian democracy has
witnessed this several times – in the Janata rule, National Front and United
Front governments. Perhaps, India’s
search for a Prime Minister in 2014 may not start and stop with the two
national parties as party politics stands today.
“One man, one post” is a principle sporadically applied in
the Congress. It was seriously considered in the 1990s and a committee even
recommended official adoption of this dictum. Again in 2008, it reappeared in
the form of avoiding entrustment of party work to ministers and then relieving
ministers of their ministerial responsibility to engage in party work. But, in
practice a clear bifurcation has not been possible. The BJP’s party
constitution has adopted the principle of “one man, one post”. Its practicability is not fully discovered
yet.
In this background, it is certainly futile to talk of prime ministerial
candidate or the material with which he/she is made. There is no constitutional
or conventional obligation on the parties to project any candidate as their
Prime Minister. Why all this fuss then?---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature
Alliance)
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