Round The World

New Delhi, 18 September 2012

21^st Century Diplomacy

TIME TO BE PRO-ACTIVE

By Monish Tourangbam

Associate Fellow, Observer Research Foundation (New Delhi)

The 4^th conference of the Heads of Missions (HOM) envoys from around 120 countries was recently held in New Delhi to be followed by the six regional heads of missions meeting later. Indeed, these “meeting of minds” conferences serve as a barometer of performances of our top diplomats who represent India globally, reflective of the country itself. Succinctly asserted, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh “these conferences regularly take stock of policies and evaluate their effectiveness on the ground.”  

Importantly, in a highly networked and inter-connected world, events deemed insignificant traditionally, now have the potential of quickly impacting India’s political and economic diplomacy. 

Notwithstanding, Manmohan Singh’s big bang reforms albeit opening FDI in multi-retail and aviation and hiking diesel prices to allay apprehensions regarding India’s economic growth and the much-touted “policy paralysis”. Said he, “…our economy, our polity and our society are resilient enough to overcome the present adversities.”

Alas, this did not suffice to quell the storm over high-level corruption and favoritism vis-à-vis resource allocation along-with a raging storm over FDI in multi-brand retail.

However, amidst the restraints of serious domestic challenges, UPA II seeks to create more space for itself in the area of foreign policy. Undoubtedly, foreign strategy and national security are areas where the Prime Minister has more leverages and faces less resistance from allies and States.

But, this is not entirely true in a democracy, more so in a multi-party country, where the need to stay in power with coalition partners necessitates the Central Government to take cognizance of regional Parties and their whimsical leaders.

Moreover, Parties have their own regional and ideological priorities. Recall how the Left broke its coalition with the Congress over the issue of the US-India nuclear deal. Various instances in recent times have shown how coalition partners like the Trinamool Congress and DMK are arm-twisting the Government over India’s relations with Bangladesh and Sri Lanka respectively.

Needless to say even as Indian foreign policy-making is passing through challenging times, it is also an opportune time to fine-tune the components of our foreign policy in view of the dynamic changes in the international gridlock of economics and politics

Specially against the backdrop, that post the Cold War end and unveiling of economic liberalization which opened new engagement corridors across a broad spectrum; India’s foreign policy trajectory has taken a new leaf. Whereby, it has emerged as an important voice to be heard in the international scenario.

Notably, India is an active member of the now influential G20 and engages other powers through multi-lateral forums like BRICS and IBSA, both seen as inevitable ingredients of global problem-solving.

In fact, India’s strategic partnership with the US is one of the cornerstones of India’s 21^st century diplomacy. The relationship spans across a gamut from increasing economic engagement, defence purchases and exchanges, people-to-people contacts and shared concerns and security implications of a rising China.

But, tactical differences persist between New Delhi and Washington particularly over the Iranian issue. Pertinently, given India’s own vital relationship with Iran, New Delhi would need to stay abreast of developments therein.  

Besides, India and China are largely perceived as staunch enemies and competitors. Yes, both countries have fought a war over the border issue that still remains to be resolved along-with competing for resources and political and strategic leverage across the globe. But at the same time both also have huge economic linkages, though trade is skewed in China’s favour which needs to be corrected.

The recent visit of Chinese Defence Minister gives reason to think that the relationship need not be a zero-sum game. Amidst lingering differences, New Delhi and Beijing are bound by geography and need to create conditions to exist and prosper together domestically and externally.

Further, India and Russia are seen as traditional partners, with highly inter-linkages in the military hardware business and production.  But, with defence modernisation, increasing purchasing power and the need to diversify sources, countries like US and Israel have emerged as New Delhi’s new major suppliers of defence armaments and of high-tech weapons. As such, India and Russia needs to diversify their economic relationship and take stock of changing needs and priorities. 

Also, India’s engagements with South East Asia countries have been reenergised through its Look East Policy along-with the ASEAN framework. But New Delhi needs to stay ahead of developments in the rapidly transforming Middle East and North Africa. Forays have been made into the African and Latin American Continent, but a lot needs to be done to achieve full potential and gain the status that a country like India deserves.

This apart, geographical proximity   vis-à-vis the immediate region still demands primary attention which was highlighted by the Prime Minister and Foreign Minister during the conference. Both underscored that India remained committed to building a stable and prosperous South Asia.

Sadly, despite shared cultural and historical links, there is no common perception of security challenges among the South Asia nations. In fact, many within the sub-Continent perceive major threats emanating from countries within the region, fomenting the “trust deficit” among them. Whereby, South Asia’s regional integration is high on promises and potential, but low on delivery. 

In sum, while economic integration is a vital process of building a sense of mutual partnership, there are lingering political and security issues: Unresolved boundary disputes, illegal migration problems, insecurity bred by rising fundamentalism and cross-border terrorism, river systems issues and fishermen plight etc creating hurdles for a more meaningful and effective integration. Along-with efforts at linking the South Asian countries through market economics and developmental integration, a simultaneous effort should be made to fashion a common lens to look at regional security concerns.

Certainly India lives in a volatile neighbourhood and no single prescription will serve as an antidote to handling this environment.  And therein lays the challenge for our diplomats: The need to fashion our foreign policy making mechanism in view of the changing demands of time.

As India enters the big club of international politics, the production of foreign policies needs to be more inclusive and reflective of the many avenues of knowledge production existing in the country, from universities to think-tanks.

Consequently, effective linkages should be created between area divisions in the Foreign Ministry along-with area studies programmes of different institutions in the Union Capital. Along-side, more provincial universities should be encouraged to introduce international relations as a separate course and major impetus given towards the quality control of the knowledge that emits out these institutions.

Above all, our envoys need to strive towards a pro-active foreign policy and not remain constrained by a reactive one. As Prime Minister averred, “We must also not remain content with making the best of a difficult external environment, but instead attempt to actively shape a favourable environment for India.” ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)