Open Forum
New
Delhi, 13 July 2012
Organisation & Party Ideology
LOST IN THE LABYRINTH FOR POWER
By Dr. S.Saraswathi
Former Director, ICSSR, New Delhi)
Party politics in India, both
within and between Parties, is undergoing difficult times due to political as
well as non-political developments. One major problem faced by many Parties is
to maintain cordial relations between their organisational and Parliamentary
wings
Remember, during the AICC session held
in New Delhi 2004, Party President Sonia Gandhi expressed serious concern
about the rise of factionalism in some States which in turn was the
cause for the Party’s electoral defeat. Issuing a strict warning to various faction-ridden
units, she reiterated that intra-Party rivalry would not be tolerated.
Alas, this fell on deaf ears. Post
the electoral debacle in UP, Punjab and Goa Assembly
polls in 2012, Sonia again repeated the warning. “If the energy we expend in factionalism and
in talking and doing things that do not matter…if we used half that energy in
strengthening the organisation, our strength would double,” was her message to Congressmen.
But this too did not stop in-fighting. Addressing the
Congress Parliamentary Party after the poor performance, she urged her MPs to
shed factional behaviour and fight elections as an united disciplined team. Organisational
unity, she asserted, would bring to the fore the Party’s core inner strength nee
“essential capital” being corroded by internal power struggles. The raison d atre for showcasing the Party’s
poor image and belittling its performance.
Undeniably, this blunt outburst was a rude shock to her
loyal foot soldiers who were busy finding alibis and shifting the blame for the
electoral defeat to their Party rivals.
Following this shake up, there were also reports of a
“Kamaraj Plan” to divest some Congressmen from Government to organisational
work. Primarily, to bring about cohesiveness in the Party’s rank and file. Notwithstanding, criticism it was an “honourable”
way of shifting Ministers whom Party bosses were not comfortable with.
True, most Parties experience upheaval and a tug-of-war
between their organisational and Parliamentary
wings. But today, this has now
protracted to a tussle between State units and Central leadership, a kind of
intra-Party Centre-State problem. Presently, national Parties, Congress and BJP
are undergoing major internal upheavals.
Importantly, given that Constitutional federalism manifests
itself in national Parties and their federal organisational structure, many State-level
and regional Parties also follow suit. Wherein,
the “High Command” is the numero uno
in Party affairs and its diktat is a code that the entire rank and file has to
adhere to. It is immaterial whether they agree with it or not.
This “authority” is
most recognized in the Congress by
sheer adulation of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty since pre-Independence days. Whereby, its history is replete with
instances of competition and rivalry
between its organisational and Parliamentary wings for supremacy.
Old Congress hands recall, how Jinnah had no admiration for
the Congress High Command. Which he compared to the Fascist Grand Council. In the 1930s, when the Congress accepted Legislative
office, the High Command also gained a new political role in Government.
Congress members at the Centre and States cultivated a
tendency to be responsible first to the small group within the Party called the
Congress Working Committee and then only to the legislative bodies and the
electorate. Thus, began the politics of
organisational wing versus the Parliamentary
wing.
At one time, it was argued that the Congress Parliamentary
Party (CPP) could not function and democracy would be reduced to a mockery if
Ministers were to hold office only so long as the All India Congress Committee
(AICC) or its counterparts in States, Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC) allowed
them to do so.
At another level, many asserted that the Prime Minister and
Ministers were dependent on the organisation to continue in office. When Indira
Gandhi became the Prime Minister, the question of the relative role of the Party
and the Congress Government became a hot issue and was provisionally settled as
the Government’s prerogative to make policies and implement them respectively.
As it was responsible for both and answerable to the people.
Moreover, in the States the Party unit has to adhere to what
the PCC decides. Be it choosing the Leader in the Assembly, Ministry formation
or who would be anointed Ministers. The Parliamentary and legislative wing only
regulate and coordinate activities of the Party in the legislatures.
In fact, the idiom “High Command” is so meaningful that even
the BJP uses it for its Central leadership. But, in States, the Party is very
different from the Congress. As the Saffron Sangh’s State units do not necessarily
have to mutely follow the orders of the Central leadership. Strangely, instead of reading this as a sign
of inner party democracy, the BJP’s opponents view this as a sign of disorder and
indiscipline.
Needless to say, Parties are far from democratic. Most powers
are centralized in the High Command. From allotment of tickets, to contesting the
Lok Sabha or Assembly elections to nomination for the Rajya Sabha and Vidhan
Parishad everything is decided by the Central leadership and not by leaders in
the constituency as is the practice in Britain.
Pertinently, till the debut of the Janata Party in the
mid-1970s, the Congress and the BJP were wedded to their ideology and social
goals. Both gave more impetus to
expanding their organisations and widening their social base.
The emphasis was on “non-power goals” vis-à-vis ideology, organisation and social welfare programmes.
However, post Emergency and the rise of non-Congress regional Parties the
weightage given to ideology fast began to recede.
The decline and disappearance of the age of “one-Party
dominance” and emergence of the coalition era also heralded the weakening of
the politics of ideology. The “Organisation” gained primacy over Government.
Read the Party High Command.
This afflicted regional Parties too. Whereby, the person or
group which controlled the organisation
also controlled the Party’s Parliamentary wing. Remember, when the late MG Ramachandran was expelled
from the DMK, he captured the local units and built a new Party with his supporters
called the AIADMK. Present Chief Minister Jayalalitha succeeded him by
capturing the Party organization from Ramachandran’s widow Janaki Ramachandran.
Besides, V.P.Singh, who broke away from the Congress and became
the Prime Minister in the late 1980’s could not last long as he did not enjoy strong
organisational backing. Parties need to take lessons from the Communists. The
Parties strength is rooted in their organisation. ----INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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