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Krishna’s Israel Visit: PRAGMATIC COOPERATION, by Monish Tourangbam, 11 Jan, 2012 Print E-mail

Round The World

New Delhi, 11 January 2012

Krishna’s Israel Visit

PRAGMATIC COOPERATION

By Monish Tourangbam

Research Scholar, School of International Studies (JNU)

 

External Affairs Minister SM Krishna’s Israel visit was the focal point of his recent West Asian tour. India-Israel ties have grown substantially, in different sectors, and have successfully overcome many challenges witnessed before and after the resumption of full diplomatic relations in 1992. But a lack of attention from the UPA administration has been palpable, with Krishna being the first Indian Foreign Minister to visit Israel in over a decade, the last being Jaswant Singh in 2000. New Delhi had recognized Israel back in 1950, but normal relations became a victim to a host of factors, limiting the foreign policy options of a newly independent India.

Cold War induced constraints, India’s Non-Aligned and anti-colonial policies and domestic constituencies proved a hindrance to any meaningful relationship with the Jewish state of Israel. Moreover, India’s links with the Arab States in terms of its energy imports and a large Indian workforce in the Gulf posed further challenges to India’s Israel policy.

But, despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations between the two countries and New Delhi principally opposing Israel’s policy towards the Palestinian issue, Indo-Israeli delegations continued to meet at regular intervals. Moreover, effective and working relations thrived between the India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and Israel's Mossad; and not to forget that India got tacit assistance from Israel, during times of conflict such as the 1965 Indo-Pakistan War.

However, with the end of the Cold War, international politics turned a new leaf, and India-Israel relations were no exception. Incidentally, it coincided with the economic liberalization in India under the stewardship of the Narasimha Rao government, which to a large extent reoriented India’s foreign policy in different ways. Moreover, the rise of Islamic terrorism in South Asia and the initiation of China’s diplomatic closeness with Israel gave the impetus to New Delhi to put its act together and re-structure its West Asian policy.

This bilateral relationship assumed an altogether new dynamics and came under full public scrutiny with the visit of Ariel Sharon to India in September 2003, the first ever by a ruling Israeli Prime Minister. The relationship was thus finally out of the closet, adding a degree of legitimacy to vital threads of ties already established. Though the nature of this engagement is multifaceted enough, the driver of India-Israel relations has nevertheless been the common threat of terrorism and the unmistakable economics of defence trade. Over the years, Israel has become the second largest supplier of sophisticated military weapons to India after Russia, and defence cooperation is indeed the cornerstone of the India-Israel rapprochement.

On the one hand, Israel fitted the bill perfectly when India needed to diversify the source of its defence equipment, while on the other tapping the huge arms market in an emerging India after liberalization was a boon for Israel’s defence industry. The focus now is on elevating the ties towards more significant R&D collaborations, beyond the buyer-seller relationship.

Besides, increasing engagement between India and the US has too had a positive impact on India-Israel ties. A number of Israeli weapons’ technologies are developed as joint venture productions with US funds, which gives the latter a strong say in matters of Israeli military sales to other countries. The positive fallout could be seen in the US allowing sales of Israeli Phalcon AWACS to India. Besides, high-tech cooperation in the field of space is also significant, such as India launching an Israeli reconnaissance satellite TechSAR by an Indian PSLV rocket in early 2008 from the Satish Dhawan Space Center.

Additionally, the aftermath of 9/11 and the recent 26/11 Mumbai attacks have invariably impacted India-Israel and India-U.S. relations in the growing concern on fighting terror networks. During Krishna’s visit, India and Israel inked an extradition treaty and a pact on the transfer of sentenced prisoners and penned a joint strategy to “checkmate” international terrorism. Israel has had to manage various facets of cross-border terrorism since its very formation and therefore there is much that India can benefit from its ties with Israel in the form of logistics and skills to fight terrorism.

The two countries not only exchange crucial intelligence information on terrorist groups but Tel Aviv is also providing important logistical support such as specialized surveillance equipment, assistance in intelligence gathering, joint exercises, and cooperation to stop money laundering and terror funding. India has much to gain from Israel in fields of operating undercover units, tackling ambushes, detecting hidden roadside mines and in using infantry and commando units to seek out and destroy arms caches and terrorist bomb-making capabilities.

Over the years, many other convergences have been observed and acted upon. Of significance is technology exchange and cooperation in various developmental fields ranging from “agriculture and water management to the latest hi-tech applications in communications, health and energy.” India has also sought assistance in dryland farming, with Israel being a leader in the field.

Krishna’s talks with the Israelis specifically sought to deepen the economic content of the relationship, and called for achieving the true potential of bilateral trade, which currently stands at $ 5 billion. "The Free Trade Agreement now under negotiation is clearly a step in the right direction. It will give a boost to our economic and commercial ties," he noted. Israel has also decided to open a consulate in Bangalore, in addition to the one in Mumbai and its embassy in New Delhi.

This apart, Israel also intends to include northern agro States of Punjab and Himachal Pradesh in it action plan to expand agricultural ties with India. Both the countries have been working in the field of agriculture and horticulture in Haryana, Maharashtra and Rajasthan.

However, despite the burgeoning ties, major challenges continue to persist, with India’s relations with Iran and the Israel-Iran animosity being most significant. The suspected military intent of the Iranian nuclear programme continues to be a major concern for the US and Israel, with tension growing in recent times. This presents a huge challenge to Indian foreign policymakers, since New Delhi has maintained cordial relations with Iran, a major energy supplier.

While India continues to maintain that Tehran should be transparent on its nuclear programme, it also stands against use of coercive force against Iran. Hence, any military flare-up in the Persian Gulf will present a major challenge to Indian diplomacy. Regarding the key question of Palestine, New Delhi is well aware of the sympathies of its large Muslim minority, its principled support to the Palestinian demand of self-determination and the popularity of the Palestinian issue in India.

Hence, close ties with Israel will not change India’s principled stand against increasing Israeli settlements in occupied territories and its support for a viable Palestinian statehood, evident in its support at the United Nations. At the same time, however, the evolution of India-Israel relations is symptomatic of the inter-linkages brought about by globalization, an era of “piecemeal alliances” and pragmatic cooperation, wherein nations will increasingly co-operate where they can and disagree where they can afford to. ---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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