Round The World
New Delhi, 13 December 2011
Bonn Conference
SHADOW ON AFGHAN FUTURE
Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of
International Studies (JNU)
Afghan officials and international leaders
gathered recently in Bonn a decade after they had
assembled at the same place in 2001 to structure a political framework for a
post-Taliban Afghanistan.
And it is almost an irony that countries now gather to fashion an Afghanistan,
amidst the unmistakable influence of the Taliban that refuses to wane down. Moreover,
the absence of the Taliban at the talks in Bonn loomed large like a shadow.
Adding to the dilemma of those who
gathered there, Pakistan,
a major stakeholder boycotted the event protesting against the NATO attack on
November 26 that unfortunately killed Pakistani soldiers and opened another
diplomatic standoff in the already strained US-Pakistan ties. As a result of
the NATO incident, the US
has reportedly vacated the Shamsi airbase in Baluchistan and according to Prime
Minister Gilani Pakistan’s blockade
of NATO supply lines into Afghanistan
is likely to stay in place for weeks.
The absence of both the Taliban and Pakistan at the
talks reveals a negative sign for reconciliation efforts in the Afghan endgame,
as western forces prepare to handover responsibility to Afghan forces by 2014.
Add to this the absence of the slain peacemaker, Burhanuddin Rabbani. In
addition, a new fear enveloped Afghanistan’s
future as possible sectarian bomb attacks against Shia shrines forced the
Afghan President Hamid Karzai to cancel his visit to the UK after attending the Bonn conference. The blasts coincided with
the Shia Muslim festival of Ashura - the most important day in their calendar
which is marked with a public holiday in Afghanistan.
Though tensions exist between Afghanistan's Sunni and minority Shia Muslims,
most attacks in Afghanistan
in recent years, have targeted government officials or international forces. “Afghanistan has
been at war for 30 years and terrible things have happened, but one of the
things that Afghans have been spared generally has been what appears to be this
kind of very targeted sectarian attack,” said Kate Clark, from the Afghanistan
Analysts Network.
And relating to this horrifying incident, tensions have
started developing between Afghanistan
and Pakistan,
two countries that do not share an easy relationship despite official efforts
to look otherwise. Afghan President Karzai reportedly blamed Pakistani
extremists for the attacks, and the accusations might open a new ugly phase in
the two country’s relationship.
“Lashkar-e-Jhangvi
which is based in Pakistan
has claimed responsibility for this attack ... We will investigate the issue
very carefully and will discuss it with the Pakistani government,” Karzai stated.
Attacks like these are a chilling reminder of the state of uncertainty and
insecurity that envelopes large parts of Afghanistan, needing a constant and
sustained effort from concerned countries, even in the case of troop’s
withdrawal by 2014. The Bonn
conference has pledged to do just that.
Every time leaders meet at different
locations and exude official optimism viz the future of Afghanistan,
reality dawns and a sober analysis gives a more complex picture and the
intractability of the issue. Bringing about an inclusive Afghanistan is one of the primary concerns being
propagated but including sections of the Taliban insurgency into talks for a
future Afghanistan
has been the primary hindrance as well.
As western forces fight their
endgame in this beleaguered country, a political settlement has to inevitably bring
in the big guys on the other side of the fence. How do you pressurize an
insurgency movement that is showing no signs of fatigue on the battle ground? Immediately following 9/11 attacks, the US started its
war on terror campaign, successfully overthrowing the Taliban regime and forcing
Al-Qaeda to run for its life.
But, an ill-advised campaign against
Saddam Hussein’s Iraq,
according to many analysts took away the much-needed attention from the Afghan
conflict. As such, the Taliban slowly resurged and started hitting back at the
western forces in Afghanistan.
President Barack Obama pledged to change things and his administration came out
with the Af-Pak strategy that focused on increasing cooperation from Pakistan to
fight the lawless terrain of the notorious Af-Pak border.
Pakistan was recognized a part and parcel of
the Afghan headache and its swelling safe havens had to be handled to fight the
cancer in Afghanistan.
But over the years, surge of troops for the Afghan conflict and various rounds
of drone attacks later, the Obama administration seems stuck knee-deep in the
Afghan muddle.
Pakistan has clearly been playing double
games, to the detriment of security in the region. Since Osama Bin Laden was
found and killed inside Pakistan,
US-Pakistan relationship has gone downhill, creating more strategic fog in the
region. Moreover, even as the Obama administration gropes for a respectable
exit and hopes for a political settlement, there are many voices in the US that
do not see much hope for reconciliation compromises from the Taliban, unless
they believe they are sure to be defeated in the battlefield.
In a
June 29, 2010 interview, Michael Mullen, then Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs
of Staff, stated it was “hard to rule out those political entities that are now
the enemy might be a part of a political solution.” The
dilemma can be clearly seen in America’s
dilly-dallying approach towards listing the Haqqani network as a terrorist
organization. The Haqqanis are clearly one of the most dangerous threats to
western forces in Afghanistan,
but the US
government seems tormented by the question as to how to legitimize talking to
the group, once it is blacklisted.
India’s Foreign Minister S M Krishna
addressing the Bonn Conference said Afghanistan today faces at least four
deficits: of security, of governance, of development and of investment and that
to address these deficits, Kabul needs time, development assistance,
preferential access to world markets, foreign investment and a clear end-state
and strategy to ensure that it does not once again plunge into lawlessness, civil war, and
externally sponsored extremism and terrorism.
“Conceptually there is need for something like a Marshall
Plan for Afghanistan,
involving all the major stakeholders,” he elaborated. Recall that the Marshall
Plan was a US policy to
economically assist the reconstruction of Europe
after the end of World War II and to prevent the spread of Soviet Communism. Underscoring
the importance of India as a
“stability anchor” for the region, Germany
welcomed India’s suggestion
for the future of Afghanistan.
India has been one of the largest
civilian aid donors to Afghanistan
and has sought to increase its convergences with the country, taking its ties
to the level of strategic partnership. However, every Indian overture of
assistance to Afghanistan
has irked Pakistan,
and the suspicions regarding Indian maneuver is very much strong. Coupled with
the increasing animosity in US-Pakistan ties, the dilemma of both fighting and
talking to the Taliban and moreover, the economic problems of the major western
donors, Afghanistan’s future does seem bleak at present. But, no success is too
sweet and no failure too sour. Hence, one needs to wait and watch as to how the
Afghan endgame unfolds in the coming days.--INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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