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NSG Decision On ENR:INDIA NEEDS TO STAND UP, by Monish Tourangbam, 5 July 2011 Print E-mail

Round The World

New Delhi, 5 July 2011

NSG Decision On ENR

INDIA NEEDS TO STAND UP

By Monish Tourangbam

Research Scholar, School of International Studies (JNU)

 

The non-proliferation issue hogs the limelight again, leading to an eruption of deep-seated Indian concerns about the nature of the international non-proliferation regime. The Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) reported decision to ban transfer of ENR (enrichment and reprocessing) technologies to countries that have not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has led to a barrage of deliberations and speculations on the future of India’s nuclear commerce, and its civilian nuclear deals with countries, specifically US.

Recall, in 2008, New Delhi managed to get an India-specific NSG-waiver, ending its isolation from international nuclear commerce. It led to a number of nuclear agreements with many countries. But these were contingent upon India meeting certain specific safeguards, including the separation of its military and civilian nuclear programme. With India being exceptional in maintaining a clean record on non-proliferation and having in place a unilateral moratorium on further nuclear testing, the exception given to it is not something handed on a platter.

It comes as a result of New Delhi’s sincere efforts and belief in controlling any sort of proliferation of nuclear materials and know-how, unlike nuclear-enabled countries like neighboring Pakistan, where the father of its nuclear programme, A.Q.Khan has been exposed as the king of nuclear black-market. And unlike Pakistan, where the safety of its nuclear arsenal is highly questionable due to internal instability, India’s nuclear infrastructure is very secure.

India still refuses to acknowledge the NPT accusing it of being discriminatory and increasing the divide between the nuclear haves and have-nots. But, one has to concentrate on India’s track record despite it, compared to other countries like China which has highly questionable credentials regarding proliferation while remaining an active member of the NPT and NSG.

The reported decision of new NSG guidelines for further restrictions on transfer of ENR, puts signing the NPT as a pre-requisite for obtaining sensitive technology. Since, India is the only country outside the NPT that is allowed to receive such technology from NSG members; the current move is being seen as targeted towards India. But, the NSG decision is supposedly at an early stage and uncertainties abound as to the entire framework of implementation.  

There are many carpers within India who have been questioning the transparency and sincerity of the American Government in its nuclear relationship with New Delhi.  The current turn of events at the NSG have given much fodder to them to go after the Manmohan Singh Government, also caught in a vortex of corruption-led mess in the domestic scene. Analysts have pointed out the anomaly of the NSG reported decision given that the same organization is increasingly debating India’s case for membership.

The US has been quite active in putting forward and emphasizing India’s case for membership in this nuclear cartel, besides in multi-lateral arms control bodies like the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Group. Countries like France and Britain have also come out in support for New Delhi’s membership.

According to sources, prior to the recent NSG meeting in Netherlands, the US reportedly circulated a confidential “thought paper” among NSG members on the “process” that could get India membership of the body, suggesting to highlight New Delhi’s clean non-proliferation records and its efforts towards international nuclear disarmament.

Responding to the issue, Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao sought to calm nerves, saying it was not the end of the road, and that the new NSG guidelines in question had not yet been published in open text. Said she, “I am not going to draw a doomsday scenario from this. As I said, this is a dynamic process. Nothing is set in stone. This is not the end of the road. And as I said, there is a balance of interest and commitments involved. There are questions of reciprocity.

She emphasized the point that India, being the hub of nuclear commerce and one of the biggest markets of legal nuclear business, had major leverages, thus reassuring New Delhi’s interests would not be jeopardized at any cost. Adding, “The whole issue of full bilateral civil nuclear cooperation, the fact that India has the potential to develop 60,000 mw of electricity from nuclear energy by 2030 so, this is a dynamic process. We have an expanding nuclear industry. This is a great attraction to the rest of the world.” 

She sought to reiterate the importance that India attached to the clean exemption given by the NSG waiver in 2008 and the commitments given by major countries in their bilateral nuclear agreements with the Government. On this count, India can indeed count on the promises of the countries that are intent on doing clean, good nuclear business with India like the US, France and Russia.

In response to concerns in India regarding the NSG decision, these countries wasted no time in reiterating their resolve to remain committed to their nuclear agreements with India. Asserted France's ambassador to India Jerome Bonnafont, “Coming after the decision of exemption from the full-scope safeguards clause, adopted in favour of India in September 2008, it does not undermine the principles of this exemption.”

The outgoing US ambassador to India Timothy Roemer too reiterated that the US remains committed to the 2008 NSG waiver to India for carrying out nuclear commerce. "The President firmly supports it, the 123 agreement firmly supports it and our law firmly commits us to it.” According to sources, Russia has been no different, coming out with its resolve to continue on the commitments made to New Delhi regarding nuclear commerce.

"There is not much clarity about the new guidelines as yet. We strictly follow all our international obligations over the issue of non-proliferation and, at the same time, we also honour our bilateral agreements in the field of peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We can say that we are going to implement all our commitments made in the civil nuclear deal with India,” said Russian embassy sources.

The New Zealand Prime Minister John Key also came forward stating the NSG guidelines did not mean India would be denied access to it. “These are early days. There will be more discussions on this (among the NSG members).” Such a positive comment is significant since New Zealand is one of the hardcore defenders of international non-proliferation norms.

Presently, one is unsure of the true intent of the new NSG guidelines and how they intend to implement it. Once the NSG comes out with its explanations for the new restrictions and what it is intended to achieve, the commitments from major powers towards nuclear commerce with India can be re-assessed in a better light.

In sum, it is clear that India, not being a member of the NSG, can do very little to impact the internal decision-making but its leverage with some of the individual countries need to be cautiously emphasized, keeping in mind the security of India’s interests. ---- INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

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