ROUND THE WORLD
New Delhi, 16 January 2008
PM’s China Visit
SYMBOLISM OVER SUBSTANCE
By Seema Sridhar
School of International Studies, JNU
The Indian Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh just concluded his
first State visit to India’s
largest and most awe-inspiring neighbour, the People’s Republic of China. The two
sides have signed 11 wide-ranging agreements, decided to triple the trade
target within the next four years and deepen their defence engagement. The
current visit, just weeks after India
and China
held their first-ever joint military exercise in December 2007, a landmark
confidence building measure augers well for bilateral ties.
China’s significance to India because of its location, it’s imposing
geographical size, magnitude of its armed forces that have recently been
modernized and now most importantly its economic supremacy brought about by its
rather unusual blend of capitalism and communism renders this visit of prime
importance to India’s
foreign policy.
The historical ties between the countries, cradling the
world’s ancient civilizations have been characterized by mutual mistrust and
cynicism in the past. Efforts to build bridges have always been marred by this
mutual suspicion rising especially from the border disputes between the two.
The results that have emerged out of such State visits in the past have been if
anything, cosmetic in nature.
What is it that makes this State visit different? What are
the most important issues that are being addressed? And what are the possible
outcomes of these?
India and China are two of the fastest
growing economies and have been competing with each other for foreign
investment. The two are the most populous nations of the world and have to face
the common challenges of developing economies which are in transition. They are
also facing the common threat of terrorism and insurgency within their
respective national boundaries. These commonalities need to be found and
furthered in the midst of systemic differences between these two essentially
diverse nations.
One issue where the interests of New
Delhi and Beijing
have converged is climate change. At the UN Inter-Governmental Panel on Climate
Change Conference in Bangkok in May 2007, China made a
submission that developed countries should formally recognize they were
responsible for 95 per cent of the green house gas emissions from the
pre-industrial era to 1950, and for 77 per cent from 1950 to 2000.
This contention was strongly backed by India and Brazil and the three of them
rejected that all the countries had to bear the responsibility of combating
climate change equally. Instead, they pushed for increased focus on the rich,
developed countries whose per capita green house emissions were far steeper
than those of the developing world. Thus, the dragon and the elephant found
their common strengthened voice against imposition of emission curbs and their
own view of combating the global threat of climate change, reflecting a larger
stand for the developing world.
Speaking of areas that have immense potential for
cooperation, trade is one such area which is under-exploited. In 2003, the two
Governments had established a Joint Study Group to examine the potential for
economic engagement. The most significant decision taken during this round of
talks was to set an ambitious two-way trade target of $60 billion by 2010 ---
reflecting their confidence to make business the primary vehicle to lead the
rapidly growing relations.
Economic ties between these two economic growth propellers
in Asia, has not reached it full potential
despite bilateral trade crossing $30 billion in 2007. The previous target of
$40 billion by 2010 is expected to be reached this year itself. However, the high
non-tariff barriers are acting as one of the major impediments towards this
end. The tilt in the trade balance in Beijing’s
favour is a source of discomfort to New
Delhi.
The Indian exports in finished goods fall short of
expectations as compared to the raw materials and these need to be reversed in New Delhi’s interests. The
barriers to direct investments imposed in India
and the undeclared restrictions imposed on the import of cotton by China have been
key concerns. The revision of import duty on cotton in India would
give respite to the Indian farmers growing cotton. Any progress in this arena
would boost economic ties and set the tone for a distant vision of economic
cooperation replacing competition and needs to be furthered by the Joint Study
Groups.
India’s growing ties with the United States is not seen favourably by Beijing even though New Delhi
has made it clear that it is not part of any ‘contain China’
strategy. The Chinese position on India's civil nuclear cooperation
is also expected to be part of the discussions. New Delhi
is hopeful that Beijing’s
perceptions of the same would be more positive after this round of talks.
Officials in New Delhi have
stated that India has not
explicitly sought the support of China in the 45-nation Nuclear
Suppliers Group (NSG) during the talks. Beijing has
always been wary of New Delhi’s traditional
support to the Tibetans and there are other issues of strategic alignments in
the region such as China’s
long standing support to Pakistan,
the Chinese influence in Myanmar,
which add fuel to the atmosphere of Sino-Indian distrust.
The most contentious historical dispute between the two is over
the boundary line that stretches across the Himalayan ranges. According to New Delhi, China
is illegally occupying 43,180 sq km of Jammu and Kashmir,
including 5,180 sq km illegally ceded to Beijing
by Islamabad
under the Sino-Pakistan boundary agreement in 1963.
China’s contention is that India possesses
some 90,000 sq km of Chinese territory, mostly in Arunachal Pradesh. Since
1988, when the then Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi, visited China, a new phase
of rapprochement began, which continues to this day, without any substantive
conclusion over the border dispute.
During the 1990’s, India
and China
held a series of talks to create the conditions for a fair boundary settlement.
The 1993 and 1996 agreements to maintain peace and tranquility along the Line
of Actual Control (LoAC) were results of this phase. After ten meetings of a
Sino-Indian Joint Working Group (SIJWG) and five of an expert group to resolve
where the LoAC lies, scant progress has been made.
The Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh, and his Chinese
counterpart, Wen Jiabao, have decided not to let their five-decade border
dispute cloud the growth in their relationship and have now set a deadline for
"arriving at an agreed framework of settlement" to the problem.
With the Chinese recognition of Sikkim as a part of India by
opening the Nathu La pass to trade and the Indian recognition of Tibet as an
autonomous part of China, a certain degree of understanding was reached on two
of the many difficult border issues between the two neighbours, no matter if they
are not resolved completely.
During the Chinese President Hu's visit in November 2006 the
two countries laid down a ten-pronged strategy to improve the quality of the
bilateral ties. The Indian side underplayed the reports of Chinese incursions
in Arunachal Pradesh during the discussions. The official position is that
other mechanisms were in place to discuss any such issue.
Decades of negotiations over disputed glaciers has only
resulted in a commitment to resolve the dispute through dialogue. The way both
sides perceive activities on either side of the border are very different and
unilateral in approach, which is why not much was expected on the boundary
dispute front, during the talks.
True, emphasis upon economic relations is necessary for
mutual co-operation and growth, but relations would be mired in mutual
skepticism until the border issue is resolved. Since security relations are
pre-dominant in the Sino-Indian relationship, no substantive result is expected
in the near future as far as this sphere is concerned. This visit is therefore
symbolic of a willingness to co-exist and to explore possibilities to
co-operate with each other, placed in the larger regional and global context.
----INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature
Alliance)
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