Round The World
New
Delhi, 21 July 2010
India-Pakistan
Talks
LONG DIFFICULT
TERRAIN
By Monish
Tourangbam
Research Scholar,
School of International Studies (JNU)
The recently concluded Indo-Pak Foreign
Ministers’ talks have underscored the difficult terrain of any India-Pakistani
engagement and the uphill task ahead. True, the dialogue process is still on, but
the dialogue between India’s
S.M. Krishna and his Pakistani counterpart Shah Mahmood Qureshi showcased many
of the sore points between the neigbours.
Following the talks, Qureshi seemed
more intent on scoring needless rhetorical points over his Indian counterpart
by commenting on his “lack of mandate”. He accused Krishna of taking policy
directions from New Delhi
during the talks, which he vehemently denied.
Since Prime Manmohan Singh met Pakistan’s
Yousuf Raza Gilani on the sidelines of the SAARC Summit in Thimpu, the two
irreconcilable neighbours have tried to engineer a roadmap to normalize
relations. But all efforts to cushion the thorny relationship post the Mumbai
terror attacks on 26/11 have come crashing down.
Recall, the scale of the attacks sent
shockwaves across the country, demanding a tough stance from the Government. Consequently,
thanks to Islamabad’s dilly-dallying tactics in
bringing the perpetrators to book, New
Delhi decided to stop all forms of engagement. However,
slamming the door on Pakistan
has not paid dividends. Hence, the Government decided to reopen channels of communications.
So far, officials from both the
sides have exuded confidence in the ongoing round of talks, stating the
continuation of dialogue was a good starting point. But the nature of the relationship is too
complex to be bracketed as simple clear-cut strategies. Many times, the process
of engagement gets caught between the relative importance of the specifics and
compositeness. The components of a
relationship are as vital as the whole.
For New Delhi
justice for the Mumbai attacks victims is a vital component and a lot hinges on
how Islamabad deals
with this. Till now, despite the evidences provided, Pakistan’s
Government has clearly failed to satisfy India and its people in prosecuting
the Mumbai terrorists, including its mastermind Jamaat-ud-Dawa’s Hafiz Saeed who continues to make fiery
anti-India speeches.
Indeed, Saeed’s issue became a
non-starter during the talks as the Pakistani Foreign Minister sought to
counter India’s reaction to his hate speeches by pronouncing its displeasure toward’s
Union Home Secretary Pillai’s statement linking the ISI to the 26/11 attacks.
Based on the evidence extracted from
the Pakistani-American terror suspect David Headley, Pillai had asserted, “It
(the ISI) was not just a peripheral role; they were literally controlling and
coordinating it from the beginning to the end. The same goes for Hafiz Saeed.
He was not a peripheral player. He knew everything.” Expectedly, this did not
go down well with the Pakistanis.
Diplomatically, the statement might
have come at a wrong time and adversely affected the outcome of the talks. But,
New Delhi’s
suspicions on the ISI’s role in supporting anti-India groups and during the
Mumbai attacks are known to the Pakistani Establishment. This in no way can be
used as an excuse to play down the activities of a dreaded and known terrorist
mastermind like Hafiz Saeed.
According to sources, during US
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s recent visit to Pakistan some “revealing
sets of facts” thrown up by the Headley interrogation were shared with the
Pakistani authorities. Interacting with television anchors in Islamabad, she said, “I don’t know the
specifics (of the revelations made by Headley) but I know that it has been
quite a revealing set of facts that we’ve shared with the Pakistani
authorities.”
Secretary Clinton also added that
Headley and Faisal Shahzad, another Pakistani-American charged with trying to
blow up a home-made bomb at Times Square, were radicalized in the US but were "facilitated, directed and
operationalised" from Pakistan.
The ferocity of the attacks in
Mumbai and the sense of acute insecurity and anger that it inflicted among
Indians have accentuated the prime importance given to the issue of tackling
terrorism emanating from Pakistan. Undoubtedly, Pakistan too is facing the brunt of
its home-grown terrorism but it is largely a result of its wrong policies and
the high-handed insularity of some of the State’s machineries (read the
military and intelligence). So, when Islamabad talks
to New Delhi, it would not suffice to say that Pakistan is
also a victim of terrorism.
Yes, if the Pakistani civilian Government
is sincere, joint mechanisms could be heralded to tackle this menace together
but at this juncture, the Pakistani Establishment does not seem intent on going
after the anti-India terror groups like the Lashkar-e-Toiba
(LeT) charged with the carrying out the Mumbai carnage. When New Delhi puts the issue
of cross-border terrorism on the table, these accusations are based on factual instances.
The Indian people have suffered too
many attacks, small and major, from Pakistani soil in recent times. Thus, no Government
can afford to go easy on the issue of terrorism, especially in the aftermath of
the 26/11 attacks. True, there is a need to keep channels of engagement and
diplomacy active but at the same time, Islamabad
has to understand and acknowledge the primacy that is accorded to
Pakistan-based terrorism in Indian policy.
The severity and regularity of
attacks is etched in the Indian psyche for terrorism to acquire secondary
importance. At the conclusion of the recent Ministerial talks, Islamabad has
accused New Delhi for being selective in its approach and killing the efficacy
of the talks, by not agreeing to talk on all issues.
Qureshi asserted, “I could see from
yesterday's talks that they want to be selective. When they say all issues are
on the table then they cannot, they should not, be selective.” Needless to say,
such an approach would have almost amounted to starting the composite dialogue
which is not in India’s
scheme of things presently. New Delhi’s
policy is to build on confidence building measures (CBM’s) which can gradually add
more comprehension and inclusiveness leading to a “composite dialogue” covering
all issues of common interests. Clearly, there is no issue more potent as a CBM
than Pakistan’s
earnest willingness to curb anti-India terrorism emanating from its soil. -----
INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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