Round The World
New Delhi, 29 December 2009
India In S Asia 2009
BLUNDERS, GLORY & OPPORTUNITIES
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of International
Studies, JNU
The Mumbai terror attacks coming at
the fag end of 2008 continued to hog the limelight in the beginning of 2009 and
cast a sour note on India-Pakistan relations. The dots leading to Pakistan cast a
shadow on the fragile relationship. New Delhi,
acting on the evidence available continued to make demands to Islamabad, which as expected, was reluctant
to act and continued to provide mere lip services. As such, the Manmohan Singh
Administration early in the year was faced with the fallout of a major national
security crisis that raised serious questions on the maritime security of the country
and the preparedness of the UPA government to pre-empt and act against terror
attacks.
The composite dialogue process came
to a halt as New Delhi demanded credible actions
against the perpetrators of the crime and Islamabad
continued to evade such a process with its own sets of justifications citing
lack of evidence. Instead, the Pakistan
government was bent upon trying to gain brownie points against its Indian
counterpart as was evident during the Sharm-el-Sheikh Non-Aligned Movement Summit. India fell into
the trap to some extent by acquiescing to a joint statement that contained
references to the “Balochistan factor”. Accusing India
of trying to foment instability on its soil has been a well-intended strategy
of the Pakistani establishment as well as an effort to place the RAW at the
same pedestal as the notorious Pakistan’s
ISI, accused of masterminding a sinister network of anti-India groups.
The insincerity of the Pakistani
government was exposed when a reprieve was granted to the Jamad-ud-Dawa (JuD)
Chief Hafiz Saeed. The list of accusations is quite long against him for
anti-India activities; accused in the 2001 Indian Parliament attack and the 2006
Mumbai train bombings. But the pile of evidence handed over to the Pakistani
side has fallen on deaf ears and the Islamabad
continues to cite lack of evidence. Moreover, the “split-personality” antics
employed by the lone survivor of the Mumbai attackers; Ajmal Kasab makes a
mockery of the whole process of ensuring justice to the many innocents who lost
their lives on that fateful event.
Even when their house is under the
threat of a serious break-up, the Pakistani establishment often seems intent on
accusing India
of the wrong-doing. When insurgents attacked some of the most fortified places
in Lahore, analysts commented that it could not
have been carried out without the help of the South Punjab
militants. But, Pakistan’s
Punjabi militant groups like the Jaish-e-Muhammad and Laskar-e-Jhangvi have
hardly been characterized as enemy of the State and found support in view of
their anti-India activities. India
has nothing to gain from a destabilized neighbor run over by fanatic militants
but the Pakistani establishment has to be honest to itself and to New Delhi in tackling the
root of terrorism, because the monster has just begun to threaten the creator.
Besides, the all-too predominant Pakistan factor, India faces other equally pressing
challenges in its neighbouring areas. The year started with good news from Bangladesh with
the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League coming out victorious. The victory was seen
as a disdain for the religious radicalization of politics and encouraging for India since the Awami League was credited with favouring
inter-community harmony within Bangladesh
and regional and international cooperation.
But the jubilation was mixed with a sense of cautious optimism since the
democratic process in Bangladesh
has been marred with chaotic spells of inter-party rivalry, ideological
religiosity and military authoritarianism. And, these fears unraveled in the
form of the mutiny that rattled the country even before the new Prime Minister
could hardly settle.
The situation in neighboring Nepal has not
been encouraging either. After the Maoist won the elections and ended years of
civil-war, the Nepal
polity was hoped to change for the better. But subsequent events in the country
belied all hopes of reconciliation. Wrangling for political power among the
intransigent parties continues and the promised installation of the Nepali
Constitution remains a far-fetched dream. Economic and security issues stare the
new republic in the face3, already caught in the midst of violent strikes.
Such incidents emphasize that
democracy is not just about holding elections but more about painstakingly
establishing the norms associated with a democratic polity like consensus,
dialogue, rule of law and separation of the civilian and the military
apparatuses. The “Big-brother” syndrome will always hinder India’s relations with its smaller neighbours
but as the major power in South Asia, it is New Delhi’s responsibility to create a “zone
of peace” based on liberal democracy.
To the South, a massive military
offensive by the Sri Lankan government has eliminated the LTTE, putting an end
to a civil-war that divided the country. Sri Lankan operations against the
Tamil Tigers and the resultant humanitarian crisis were widely criticized in South India with the political parties competing to gain
mileage. But, as the events have unfolded, the military option is hardly the
answer and there is a more complex political process to assimilate the Tamils,
put a moral end to the humanitarian crisis and assure the ethnic Tamils of their
place under the sun.
As such, the process is hardly from
over and a longer and a more complicated battle awaits President Rajapaksa and
his successors if another round of civil war is to be averted. New Delhi raised its concerns regarding the
humanitarian crisis and is supportive of the rehabilitation programme and the
ramification of the root cause of the long-drawn conflict. The continuation of
the refugee problem is also of India’s
concern and it should definitely be pro-active in supporting a political
solution to the Sri Lankan ethnic issues.
China and the United
States are undoubted factors in India’s South Asia
policy. China and India have a disputed
border and even fought a war over the issue. As two growing powers, India-China
relations are determined by competition, wherever possible and cooperation when
inevitable.
India and the US have developed their relations
by leaps and bounds since the Cold War years.
But differences still persist on principles and the mode of
implementation, be it the issue of combating terrorism or climate change. The
economically woven relationship between the US
and China has been a matter
of concern for India.
The Chinese trade surplus vis-à-vis the US is seen to be increasingly
affecting the latter’s policies in the South Asian region. In their own ways,
the Chinese and American establishments try to dispel Indian suspicions
regarding this. But, it is not becoming of a major country like India to be
reactive in this case. It should develop its own diplomatic mechanism to
increase its influence among its neighbours and beyond.
Thus, the Manmohan Singh
Administration has had to tackle a wide plethora of issues in the year that went
by and the plate will be no less full in the coming year, with a visit from the
US
President already on the cards. In the final analysis, the Singh Administration
should not sulk at past blunders or boast of past glories, but look towards
capitalizing on the future of opportunities which are bound to come its way.
---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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