Events &
Issues
New Delhi, 15 December 2009
Waziristan Tangle
PAK’s PERENNIAL
AFGHAN WORRY
By Prakash Nanda
With each
passing day, it is becoming increasingly obvious that the United States’
Afghanistan-Pakistan policy under President Barack Obama’s administration is simply not working. Secure in their safe sanctuaries in
Pakistan’s Waziristan
region, the Taliban and al-Qaida have been launching highly successful attacks
on Afghan and NATO troops.
Obama is desperate for Pakistan to do something to contain
these elements within its territory. In return, he is pursuing the traditional policy of rewarding Pakistan
through military and economic assistance, which over the past seven years has
exceeded US$12 billion. That Pakistan is not obliging and is diverting most of the U.S.
aid towards measures against India is another story.
But then, Obama is not the first
American President who has succumbed to the virtual blackmail of Pakistan on the Afghanistan issue. As the
recently published book, Deception: Pakistan,
the United States and the
Global Nuclear Weapons Conspiracy”, authored by British journalists Adrian
Levy and Catherine Scott-Clark, reveals, it was, indeed, the American money
with which Pakistan
manufactured its nuclear bombs!
Remarkably, the same Afghanistan
factor has been cited by every American President for overlooking Pakistan’s
quest for nuclear weapons. Earlier, it was the Soviet intervention in
Afghanistan that prompted Carter, Ronald Reagan and George Bush (senior) to
give nearly $4 billion military and economic aid to Pakistan in return for its
help to train and assist the resistance forces – ironically, consisting of the
Taliban and Osama bin Laden – against the Soviets in Afghanistan.
And bulk of this aid was diverted by Pakistan’s then military dictator,
General Zia-ul-Haq, to A Q Khan’s laboratory so that the latter could procure
clandestinely material and technology for nuclear enrichment from the Western
markets. And, all this was taking place with the American intelligence
knowing every detail of Khan’s activities!
In fact, the
fundamental flaw in the U.S.
war on terror in Afghanistan
happens to be the reliance on and belief in Pakistan. A stable and secure Afghanistan is not in the interest of the forces that run Pakistan today.
There are many
reasons for this, including the so-called strategic depth that Afghanistan provides to Pakistan in its war against India. But most
important is the fact that once Afghanistan
becomes strong, secure and stable, it will demand the return of its
territories, particularly Waziristan. And this is something Pakistan will not easily allow.
Waziristan
covers an area of 11,585 square km (4,473 square miles) and is divided into what are defined as North and South Waziristan agencies. The total population today is estimated to be around 1 million. The region is one of the most inaccessible, has an extremely rugged
terrain and has remained outside the direct control of the Pakistani
government.
The Wazir
tribes, along with the Mehsuds and Dawars, inhabit the region and are fiercely
independent. They did not bother the Pakistani government till the fall of the
Taliban government in neighboring Afghanistan, when the region became
a sanctuary for fleeing al-Qaida and Taliban elements.
Endowed with a
fierce sense of “individual independence,” the overwhelming majority of
inhabitants in Waziristan do not consider
themselves to be Pakistanis in any legal sense. But what they do not realize is that the Durand Line, which marks the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan, has made them
Pakistanis.
This line for
them is artificial in every sense of the term. The other side
of the line, which is Afghan territory, is as much their land as the Pakistani side. They have
never seen or accepted any restrictions on their movements or those of their
“guests” across the Durand Line, nor are they in a mood to accept such
restrictions.
In fact, going
by history and ethnicity, they have more affinity with the people of
present-day Afghanistan than
those in Pakistan.
And most importantly, no government in Kabul has
formally accepted Waziristan as part of Pakistan.
Sir Henry
Mortimer Durand, who was foreign secretary in the colonial government of
British India, signed a document with the king of Afghanistan Abdur Rahman Khan
on 12 November 1893, relating to the borders between Afghanistan
and modern-day Pakistan,
which was then India.
The international boundary line was named the Durand Line. However, no
legislative body in Afghanistan
has ever ratified the document and the border issue is an ongoing contention between the two countries.
The Durand
Line, which runs though areas inhabited by the Pashtuns, was never accepted by
either the Afghan government – which signed it under duress – or the Pashtuns
that sought to create their own homeland called Pashtunistan.
In fact, in
April 1919 during the Anglo-Afghan war, Afghan General Nadir Khan advanced to
Thal in southern Waziristan to reclaim Afghan
rights over the region. The area was recovered after a long fight where many
were killed by the British Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer.
Besides, Afghanistan's loya jirga or political meetings of 1949 had declared the Durand
Line invalid as they saw it as ex parte on their side, since British
India had ceased to exist in 1947. It proclaimed that the Afghan
government did not recognize the Durand Line as a legal boundary between
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
This being the
situation, every government in Islamabad, military and non-military, has
desperately tried to reach a bilateral agreement with successive regimes in
Kabul to convert the Durand Line into an international border, but without
success. Even when the Taliban took over Afghanistan, Pakistan, which aided and
abetted the Taliban during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, expected, in
vain, a favorable response.
Pakistan’s
former Interior Minister Moinuddin Haider called for the revival of the
sanctification of the Durand Line, as it had legally lapsed in 1993. It may be
noted that the document between British India and Afghanistan was to remain in
force for 100 years. But the Taliban regime ignored the Pakistani pleas.
Similarly,
frequent press statements from 2005 to 2007 by former Pakistani President
Pervez Musharraf calling for the building of a fence delineating the
Afghanistan-Pakistan border met with resistance from numerous political parties
in both countries. Pashtun leaders on both sides of the border continue to
ignore the Durand Line, while Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai has been
systematically avoiding the issue.
This explains
why Pakistan will always want a dependent government in Kabul, which is more likely to ensure the de facto preservation of the
lapsed and abrogated Durand Line even if it cannot be converted into an
international border.
Of course,
there is the added advantage of a Pakistani-dominated
Afghanistan constituting forward strategic depth on Pakistan's western flank
vis-à-vis India; but that is a different matter altogether. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature
Alliance)
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