Round The World
New Delhi, 8 December 2009
US’ New Afghan Policy
CAN OBAMA PULL IT THROUGH?
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of International
Studies, JNU
In
the run-up to the presidential elections that brought him to the White House, President
Barrack Obama emphasized and re-emphasized the war in Afghanistan as a “war of necessity” and that in Iraq as a “war
of choice”. But, his belief in seeing the Afghan campaign being brought to a
meaningful end seems to be waning as doubts seem evident regarding the
effectiveness of America’s
role in the war-torn country. He definitely wants a better secured Afghanistan and
the Al-Qaeda elements destroyed.
However,
at the same time, he has been quite categorical in his statements that America cannot afford
to fight an indefinite war. The result is a new strategy that includes the
deployment of 30,000 more troops expected to help accelerate transfer of
responsibility to the Afghan forces, which is then expected to allow the Americans
to start leaving Afghanistan
by July 2011. The domestic pressure is starkly evident in his decision to set a
timeframe on the withdrawal process.
Public
opinion in the US has become
increasingly vocal against the continued engagement in Afghanistan in
the face of a weakened American economy. Obama’s approval rate has been dipping,
as Americans seem to worry that the cost of the war would increasingly make it
difficult to manage domestic problems. The Congress will need to approve an
additional $30 billion needed to fund the strategy over the next year. Even the
new strategy is favoured only by a narrow majority (a mere 51 per cent surveyed
with 40 per cent opposing it) according to a recent opinion poll. There is
little consensus on how America
should deal with the Afghan quagmire.
President
Obama had often been criticized for being indecisive and dithering while assessing
the Afghan situation. Even now, when he has made his new strategy public,
unanimity is hardly the picture in American political circles. There have been
heated debates in the Congress regarding the course of the American engagement
in Afghanistan.
Add to this the lukewarm response that the US gets from its major European
allies in the Afghan war effort.
While
some smaller European countries have made their commitment known, the bigger ones
such as France, Britain and Germany have not been forthcoming regarding their
decision to give substantial help in the troop increase, perhaps waiting for
the Afghanistan conference in London early next year. Then, countries like Turkey are ready
to consider increasing their assistance in training the Afghan forces, but are
reluctant to send troops there. Similarly, Australia while supporting and
endorsing the Obama strategy has not committed any additional troops.
How far will the troop surge help in
curtailing the influence of the Taliban and wiping out the Al-Qaeda from Afghanistan?
Well, the increase in the fighting force alone could not be the deciding factor
in defeating the insurgency, as the sources are many-pronged and only a
multifaceted and comprehensive strategy could bring substantial improvement in
the situation. In the pursuit of normalcy, which is a long-term process, the
Karzai government plays a primary role. It needs to strike at the deep-rooted
corruption that reaches the highest levels of the system, and build confidence in
all sections of the diverse Afghan population.
Meanwhile, the Obama Administration plans
to adopt strategies to win back various sections of the Afghan insurgency into
the government’s side, but this is easier said than done. One of the serious
impediments to this would be that the Taliban is on a high-point where it believes
it is driving the NATO and the Aghan forces to frustration. It seems confident
that it is the winning side in the present showdown and in such a scenario it
is going to be hard to induce the insurgents to switch sides. Moreover, the
Afghan terrain also adds to the woes of the NATO operations. The territory is
highly mountainous and rural making it easier for the insurgency to locate to
remote corners, thus stretching the force commitment across a wide terrain.
Serious
concerns are being raised in the US
legislature viz the repercussions of the new strategy on the fight against terrorism
in Pakistan.
There is definitely a section that feels that the threat emanating from across
the border should be dealt with more sternly. They have hinted at and
questioned the lack of a clear strategy in the Obama strategy to deal with the
safe havens across the border in Pakistan. Democratic Senator John
Kerry, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman, said what happens in
Pakistan, particularly near the Afghan border, “will do more to determine the
outcome in Afghanistan than any increase in troops or shift in strategy.”
The
Pentagon plans to send the bulk of the 30,000 new troops to southern
Afghanistan, the Taliban heartland, as well as eastern
provinces bordering Pakistan. But they cannot cross the border and the few U.S.
troops and contractors in Pakistan have a limited training role. Moreover, the
new strategy has not been received favourably in Pakistan. Islamabad is concerned
that the troop surge in Afghanistan could force the Taliban fighters to cross
over to Pakistan, thus undermining its own operations against terrorist
activities. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged the Pakistani
efforts in the Swat and Waziristan regions but said they were “far from
sufficient.”
The
exit strategy to start withdrawing by mid-2011 is raising more eyebrows than
anything else, and rightly so. The Obama administration is visibly unhappy with
the Karzai government’s inability to rein in wide-spread corruption and other
inefficiencies of governance. By giving a withdrawal timeframe, President Obama
might have wanted to tell the Karzai administration that America is not going
to fund and fight “an open-ended war” and that someday soon a semblance of
stability has to be achieved. Then, there is an American domestic platform to
be assuaged that he is serious about bringing the troops back home. At the same
time, the exit strategy would definitely send out another message to the
Taliban and the Al-Qaeda.
The
strategy runs the risk of furthering emboldening these elements and emphasizing
their conviction that they are winning the war. Moreover, the strategy might
make their game-plan easier by just lying low and waiting for the Americans to
back-off. As of now, the new approach is raising more concerns than hope and
more vagueness than direction. In the coming days, as President Obama and his
administration goes around selling this new strategy, hordes of questions will
confront them, especially at home as the US fights back the worst recession
since the Great Depression.
President
Obama clearly would not want the Afghan war to become what Vietnam became for
President Johnson in the late 60s -- a political coffin. But in the grind of
political survival, the hope is that the end-game does not mess up
Afghanistan’s already worse situation. The country should not be left again to
the mercy of the power-hungry warlords, who in their pursuit will lead the
country yet again a few hundred years back in civilization. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)
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