Round The World

New Delhi, 18 November 2009

Australian PM’s Visit

OPPORTUNITIES AMIDST CHALLENGES

By Monish Tourangbam

Research Scholar, School of International Studies (JNU)

In recent times, New Delhi and Canberra have encountered some serious irritants in their relationship. In addition to the deadlock over Australia’s refusal to sell uranium to India in view of the latter’s decision not to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), the recurring incidents of violent attacks on Indian students in Australia have threatened to create roadblocks between the two democracies. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s visit, besides trying to take the comprehensive relationship forward, could be seen as a damage limitation effort in the wake of widespread concerns in India regarding the security of its students in a destination otherwise popular as the best alternative to universities in the United States and other West European educational hubs.

Australia has been in the forefront of what could be called “educational tourism” and it would not risk such a profitable enterprise worth over $15 billion a year. In response to acute concerns regarding attacks that seemed specifically directed towards Indians, Deputy Prime Minister and Education Minister Julia Gillard and Treasurer Wayne Swan made damage-control visits to India. The Australian administration has time and again reiterated that the attacks were not racially motivated but the Indian public seems hardly assured. While Indian officials have seriously raised the issue with their Australian counterparts, both the governments agree that the emotional outpourings and concerns should not derail other avenues of bilateral relations.

In fact, such kind of independent and self-motivated attacks are difficult to be controlled in a systematic and individual manner. But, continued attacks would boil the domestic concerns in India and more questions would be raised on the pluralistic and democratic nature of the Australian society. For the sustenance and durability of bilateral relations, the Australian government could give sincere assurances backed by transparent ground efforts to deal with such a menace. It is often argued that the Australian youth, concerned that Indian students and job-seekers are out to gobble up their jobs in Australia, might have perpetrated the attacks.

Reflecting such concerns, Trade Minister Crean had commented that Canberra has problems with the way some Indian students try to use studying in Australia as a shortcut to getting permanent residency. He said: “We are selling quality education; we're not selling visas.” Australian officials have also opined that the kind of jobs that Indians take up to support their educational expenses exposed them to dangerous areas and late night public transport. But, overemphasizing on such aspects of the issue will hardly solve anything but only alienate the Indian students further. The need is to find the most pragmatic way to security of the students, at the same time also convincing them to cooperate and take safety measures on their own.

During the recent visit, the two governments have done well to highlight the complementary nature of the relationship and the comprehensive engagements being taken up to broaden knowledge partnership. Further continuing the success of the Australia-India Strategic Research Fund, The Australian government has decided to increase its commitment to bilateral research efforts to Australian dollars ten million per year for the next five years, which will be matched by India.

A substantial new fellowship programme is also in the pipeline comprising exchanges for early-career researchers from both countries and short-term visits by senior scientists and support for research in areas of science and technology .India and Australia would also hold an annual ministerial dialogue on education, which would include representatives from educational institutions and industry. In addition, there is a flourishing educational relationship between Australia’s Monash University and IIT-Bombay in the form of the IITB-Monash Research Academy.

Another major deadlock in India-Australia bilateral relations has been Australia’s refusal to sell uranium that could feed the Indian civilian nuclear programme. As one of the fastest growing economies in the world and a major consumer of energy, it is imperative for the Indian government to look for all possible sources of energy.

The Nuclear Suppliers’ Group (NSG) waiver to India in the aftermath of the Indo-US nuclear deal has opened new doors for India in the nuclear commercial market. With the Obama administration hung up on the non-proliferation goals and no substantial progress on the Indo-US nuclear cooperation front, India finds it prudent to develop enduring commercial relations with uranium producing countries. But the Rudd administration has been adamant on sticking to the principle of not selling uranium to countries that have not signed the NPT.

The Australian government has taken pains to clarify that the stand is not particularly directed against India and that it is a uniform decision according to the provisions of the NPT. Rudd has reiterated that Australia, as a sign of appreciating India’s non-proliferation record, actively supported India while the Nuclear Suppliers Group took the decision to lift the nuclear moratorium against New Delhi after the India-U.S. nuclear deal.

In India, many see this issue as a crucial pivot around which the structure of the India-Australia relations can revolve. Probably the importance of this issue for India has not yet registered with the Rudd administration and it might be a torturous process to drive this point home to the Australian government. But, the Australian decision is factored to a large extent by the international attitude, especially the American, towards the Indian nuclear programme. If their opinion softens, then Australia, in most likeliness, would not prefer to be the lone man standing against India.

Despite hiccups in the relationship, the two countries chose to agree on the points of shared and mutual interest during Prime Minister Rudd’s visit. The Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation adopted includes information exchange and policy coordination on regional affairs in Asia and on long-term strategic and global issues. Pursuant to the Memorandum of Understanding on Defence Cooperation of March 2006, Defence Policy Talks between senior-level officers, staff talks and service-to-service exchanges including exercises will be continue.

Combating terrorism and trans-national organized crimes, maritime and aviation security and police and law enforcement also form primary areas of joint commitment. Rudd made a strong pitch for India joining the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and hoped to launch talks for free trade agreement (FTA) with India. Rudd reiterated Australia's support for a permanent seat for India on the UN Security Council. The appointment of Peter Varghese, an ethnic Malyalee born in Kenya and considered one of Australia’s brightest diplomats as the envoy to India also reflects the current Australian administration’s seriousness of creating opportunities amidst differences.

Both India and Australia should chooses not to derail relations even in the face of certain policy stalemates. There are many inter-linkages and it would be for the benefit of both the countries to keep the boat afloat and rowing amidst storms. PM Rudd rightly chose to emphasize the points of convergences between the two countries. The world is becoming more interdependent, where countries need to find areas of convergences and common interests amidst the obvious differences. In a world where it is becoming more common to sing along on some issues and fight over others, selective engagement is the way forward. Wise diplomacy is about agreeing where you can, and agreeing to disagree where you have to.---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)