Round The World
New Delhi, 6 October 2009
UN Security Summit
INDIA-US SPAR OVER NPT
By Monish Tourangbam
Research Scholar, School of
International Studies (JNU)
It was nothing less than ironical when President Obama
chairing a United Nations Security Council Summit chose to press on the non-NPT
countries to sign the controversial nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. His oft-repeated
rhetoric on the virtues of a nuclear weapons free world comes at a time when
his administration is literally helpless in dealing with North Korea and Iran. While the former signed the
NPT and chose to withdraw in pursuit of its own nuclear weapons, the latter, one
of the first countries to sign the NPT, is charged with non-compliance and the
nature of its nuclear programme continues to be in dispute. In the face of
these challenges, a thorough revision of the relevance of the NPT in its
original form is much needed.
The summit unanimously adopted Resolution 1887, which
calls on countries that have not signed the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty “to
comply fully with all their obligations.” The “nations with nuclear weapons
have the responsibility to move towards disarmament and those without them have
the responsibility to forsake them,” said the President Obama.
Indeed, his administration seems to
see a great promise in the provisions of the NPT. It is often highlighted as a
means to a world free of nuclear weapons and hence an equitable world. This
belief is nothing but utopian at best. A lot many countries see the NPT as just
another means of cementing the gap between the nuclear haves and the have-nots.
At the Summit
and inside the conference halls, the NPT might sound like an antidote to all
forms of insecurity in international politics concerning nuclear weapons. But,
out in the real world, it is not saleable. It is sheer wastage of time and money
put into decision-making, if one were to imagine that some flowery speeches
given to receptive audiences inside air-conditioned halls would lead nations
such as India, Pakistan and Israel to forgo their nuclear
option.
It was very evident from the start that
President Obama wanted non-proliferation goals to be the USP of his
administration. Therefore, it is no surprise that the non-proliferation issue
constantly questions the otherwise positive trend of India-US relations.
Obama’s posturing that his call to universalize the NPT is not directed against
India
is clearly hollow. Whether or not the initiative is directed against India, it is obvious New Delhi will be a victim. And a victim
cannot be expected to take things lying down. New Delhi
has every right to express its concerns and question the viability of the ‘idealistic
goals’ set by the US.
The resolution
also asked all States to refrain from conducting nuclear tests and to ratify
the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). It seeks talks on framing a treaty to
ban the production of fissile material for atomic weapons and calls on non-NPT
members to join it as non-nuclear weapons States. This apart, the resolution
contains provisions to deter countries from abandoning the NPT. The Obama
administration is striving hard towards the ratification of the CTBT by asking countries
to help it come into force.
Though the treaty
was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1996 it has yet to come into force.
There are still serious differences regarding its motive as the treaty completely
bans nuclear testing, for whatever purpose it may be. This renewed vigor for
the implementation of the treaty comes at a critical time when opinion is
divided in India
regarding the success of its Pokhran II nuclear tests in 1998. As such, the
severity of the impact this treaty will have on the country’s nuclear programme
would be taken more seriously.
Undoubtedly, these
treaties which the Americans try to showcase as a means to an equitable and
safer world are viewed with much suspicion by nations such as ours. In view of the
security situation in the subcontinent, India sees its nuclear weapons
status as inevitable for preserving the status-quo, if not to improve the
situation. Theories and ideas are saleable only when grounded on real world
politics. Treaties and agreements can endure only when parties involved come
away with the feeling that they have gained more than they have given. Besides,
the parties should have the confidence that a common interest has been served
by the treaty. Clearly, no one wants to be deprived of their security and
bargaining power.
Moreover,
international politics is played at two levels; international and domestic. Even
if leaders manage to strike deals at the international platform; they still
have to come back and convince the domestic constituency. And India’s nuclear
weapons status is something that its citizens value highly for its symbolic
power, if not for a real sense of security. Treaties that seek to deprive India of such an
imposing sense of power would never garner much support.
India’s
permanent representative to the UN, Hardeep Puri has in a letter to the UN
Security Council President Susan Rice (US ambassador who holds the
rotating UNSC presidency), categorically denied adherence to the resolution
1887. Though utopian, talks on universal disarmament do no harm. But overemphasizing
the NPT would certainly distance countries like India from efforts to curb
non-proliferation activities. New Delhi’s track
record of safeguarding its nuclear technology should be reason enough for the US to entice it
as an important partner in its non-proliferation initiative and not treat it as
a challenge.
In response to
Obama’s statement that “We have made it clear that the Security Council has
both the authority and responsibility to respond to violations of this
treaty," New Delhi has argued that the Council does not have the mandate
to judge non-compliance of the treaty rules. Instead it is something to be decided
on the basis of provisions of the treaty by the members. Moreover, India has made
it clear that it does not propose to obey any imposition on the basis of
treaties that it has not signed; and the provisions of which goes against its interests.
Ever
since President Obama came into the Oval Office, there has been no substantial
progress on the Indo-US nuclear deal despite mere lip service. Moreover, his obsession
with non-proliferation issues puts a big question mark on the future of the
Indo-US nuclear deal. Arundhati Ghose,
India’s former
permanent representative to the United Nations, has aptly said: “I feel such a
position would result in India-US relationship to be pushed back to the era of
Bill Clinton’s first term. The Bush Administration had worked a lot to remove
the nuclear thorn from India-US relations. I think the stand taken by Obama
will have a serious impact on the relations between the two countries.”
Remember,
the Manmohan Singh administration burned the midnight oil with the Bush government
to get India
the NSG waiver. As such, New Delhi
would want to capitalize on this new opportunity, rather than get entangled with
the all-too familiar non-proliferation question. If Obama persists with India to join the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons State,
he will end up negating the positive relationship with New Delhi, painstakingly built up by his
predecessor. ---INFA
(Copyright, India
News and Feature Alliance)
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