Round The World

New Delhi, 24 June 2009

Iranian Elections

HISTORY BEING MADE ON STREETS

By Monish Tourangbam

(Research Scholar, School of International Studies, JNU)

For the first time in 30-odd years, an energized public in Tehran takes to the streets against the verdict of an election it alleges is rigged in favour of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Many within the country and abroad were pinning their hopes on the strongest challenger, former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi. They saw in him a return to the Khatami era of relative freedom and an end to the ultra-fundamentalist regime.

More so, as the elections were held with much fanfare, with people thronging the streets and voting in droves. Given the voters’ enthusiasm and energy, viewers should be forgiven if they believed this time would be different. Despite the regime relaxing controls, both social and political, to project a democratic image to the outside world, Iranian elections have been surreal to an extent.

Iran has had periodic elections to both the Majlis (Iranian Parliament) and the presidency, thus preserving the façade of a democracy. But the supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei has the last word, when it comes to the Islamic Republic. He wields constitutional authority over the main pillars of the state machinery, including military, judiciary and the media.

The so-called representative election is quite peculiar because the degree of fairness is often defined by the supreme leader and the Guardian Council. The latter is a 12-member influential body, whose functions include the supervision of elections and approving candidates to the presidential elections. Not surprisingly, its members are all directly and indirectly appointed by the supreme leader.  

In addition, the lack of media transparency virtually keeps Iran behind a veil, thus sacrificing objectivity and fairness, which are basic ingredients of a democratic and free society. In obstructing a critical and active media, the Iranian regime gives more fodder to suspicion and skepticism around the world as to the fairness and real intent of the ruling power. Even if the fact were to be what the ruling regime says, such a restrictive policy of erecting fences forces people to think: ‘Maybe they have something to hide.’

Analysts say the massive and energetic support for the 57-year-old Mousavi, an architect by training was largely driven by the fear of the return of the incumbent, Ahmadinejad. Right from day one in office, the conservative President had initiated a policy of aggressive antagonism against the West, particularly the US. He attracted maximum attention for his nuclear standoff with the western nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).  

He, however, did manage to pull off some brownie points at the domestic front, by showing that he had the courage to stand up to the West for what he deemed was Iran’s sovereign right. But, such foreign policy adventurism and mismanagement of the Iranian economy has infuriated the urban elite. Despite all this, the fact is that he remains the favourite supreme leader. Singularly it makes the largest difference when it comes to politics in the Islamic Republic. It is conventional wisdom to acknowledge that Khamenei would have the final word, be it over domestic or a foreign policy issue.

But, the Ayatollah might have just discredited his own stature by endorsing the victor so quickly, when serious doubts were being raised. Young Iranians in thousands moved into the streets in defiance, in effect opposing the Leader. The youth, who in 2005 did not even bother to vote, today are risking their lives in these protests, echoing another revolution. The last one was in 1979 that overthrew the Pahlavi Monarchy and ushered in the Islamic Republic. Iranians living abroad have made innovative uses of social networking sites to put forward their view, register discontent and protest against the scheme of things back home.

This time around, an entire upheaval might not be what the people want. But they do want to put an end to a system that debars them from living their lives as they like and restricts the simple choices and freedom granted to citizens in any normal country. They want their voices to be heard. If the election was actually fraudulent, the regime has certainly made a mockery of their voices. And, nothing amputates the people more than ridiculing their power of choosing the leader of their choice.

Mehdi Khalaji of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy is of the firm view that Ayatollah Khamenei miscalculated badly by initially accepting the election results as “divinely blessed.”  According to him, the supreme leader has sided with Ahmadinejad and the hardline members of the security forces because the Ayatollah has never commanded the respect of revolutionary leaders from his own generation. Khamenei, per se is fighting a battle with a generation that does not owe its political credentials to him. Moreover, two ex-presidents Md Khatami and Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, seen as belonging to the moderate camp are supporting Mir Mousavi.

Other analysts feel that the largescale street protests in the face of eminent dangers and repression from the regime reveal a level of frustration and discontent much more deep-rooted.  Their suspicion over the results did initiate the storm, but many concerns beyond have cemented and culminated to from this avalanche of protests. It reflects a deep-rooted antipathy towards a regime that has failed to deliver its revolutionary promises; has become synonymous with unaccountability; is unable to rectify the economic mess and meet people’s basic needs. One of the most noticeable orientations of the Ahmadinejad regime is his obsessive pre-occupation with   the nationalist rhetoric in Iran’s pursuit of nuclear capability. While he aspired to be a national hero by selling his rhetoric to return Iran its prestige and influence, inflation rose and infamous forms of authoritarianism began to creep into the regime’s policy.

Over the years, Iran has literally suffered enormous brain drain. Talented young people, in large numbers, generally leave looking for greener pastures where they can freely exploit their skills and knowledge. Even less-skilled people, undesirable by immigration officials, prefer to struggle in the West than be stagnant in Iran. Reportedly, 60 per cent of the university students, the well-educated and sophisticated women, facing contempt from the law and rulers, have been a pivotal part of building this storm. Importantly, Mousavi has a vital asset in his wife, Zahra Rahnavard, who is a prominent former university chancellor and helped energize female voters.

As events continue to unfold in Iran making it tough to provide a bulls-eye shot of political astrology on the future course of events, one thing is certain: Even if Ahmadinejad were to prevail at the end of the storm, the change has already been registered. It is: ‘The Man on the street can no longer be taken for a ride.’---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)