Political Diary

New Delhi, 29 April 2025

Pahalgam Terror Tango  

BLEEDING PAK WITH 1000 CUTS  

By Poonam I Kaushish 

Circa April 16, 2025: Twenty four year-old Himanshi is exhilarated and dreams of a married life with 26 year old Lt Narwal.

Circa April 22, 2025: Himanshi is widowed. Even as bridal bangles jingle on wrists and sindoor is fresh in her hair reminder of a honeymoon hacked to death.

Narwal was among 26 male tourists enjoying their holiday with families in salubrious Baisaran Pahalgam killed. Words fail me in the horror of the savage terror attack which began as collating beautiful memories, ended in a page soaked with blood and tears. Plunging the country into grief and provoking nationwide anger demanding retribution. 

Predictably, Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) offshoot The Resistance Front (TRF) owned up only to retract later in the face of worldwide condemnation. The denial is disbelieved thanks to the litany of Pakistani-directed terrorist attacks following 1999 Kargil conflict. 

Yet, one thought post Uri and 2019 Balakot strike to avenge the Pulwama attack on a 78 vehicles convoy of 2500 CRPF jawans travelling from Jammu to Srinagar, terrorists had learnt a lesson. But one was wrong.

Undoubtedly, payback will follow. Prime Minister Modi has made plain, “India will identify, track, punish every terrorist and their backers bigger than they can imagine and we will pursue them to the ends of Earth.” Already New Delhi has taken punitive action below the military threshold: Kept 64-year-old Indus Water Treaty in abeyance, closed Attari border, sent Pakistani visa holders back, expelled more Pakistani diplomats and withdrawn its attaches from Islamabad. 

Yet, as New Delhi chooses the next course of action it will be difficult to shake of the sense of despair this kind of terrorism produces. A successful military operation might be an act of justice. It might restore a sense of confidence in the Government’s capabilities and perhaps satiate the desire for revenge. But even if these actions are successful we will continue to remain close to the edge of an abyss. 

As we have seen this movie once too often, with antecedents going back to the 1980s and 1990s. Whereby, the script is tiresomely familiar: Islamist terror groups created, armed, trained, and guided by Pakistan’s ISI, kill innocents in India. Islamabad denies involvement even as groups therein “take credit” for attacks. The world denounces it. India carefully calibrates its response so as not to provoke a larger war. Once the tension settles everyone settles back to business-as-usual. Until it happens again. 

Undeniably, the attack exposes the tenuous links in Pakistan’s ruling troika ---- Establishment, Army and ISI. New Delhi, times out of number forgets that its neighbour has been nurtured on a military psyche whereby it views India as an ideological, not solely military problem fed on a staple anti-India tirade since 1947. For the troika seeped in armed tradition along-with its jihadist proxies, the ‘core’ issue of Kashmir is an article of faith. Succinctly, described by late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as “bleeding India with a thousand cuts.” 

Pahalgam shows Pakistan is the biggest enemy of normalcy in Kashmir. Defence strategists aver  Islamabad timed the attack as it is desperate for wider confrontation to deflect global attention from its own existence-threatening domestic failings. It wants US, China to get involved. Confessed Pakistan Defence Minister, “We have been supporting, training and funding terrorist organisations for three decades as dirty work for the West --- US and Britain.”  

As India readies for a strong and swift response it should not take the bait, instead hit Pakistan where it hurts by working closely with Iran, Afghanistan and China. With US President Trump breathing down its neck Beijing wants to restore cordial ties with New Delhi. Can it get Islamabad to crackdown on terrorists? If not, we know it will never abandon its “all-weather friend.” 

In this age of real politik, India will remain at the mercy of terrorist organizations which will always have the upper hand in choosing the time and place of the next attack. Our leaders should not be under any illusion that the death of the fidayeens will deter jihadis operating from Pakistan and their State sponsors from carrying on their irrational jihad. In fact, they could raise a lethal phase of violence, notwithstanding Islamabad’s diplomatic isolation. 

What next? New Delhi needs all its wits, military intelligence, resources, wisdom and restraint to ensure that it remains in control of the Indo-Pak script and teach Pakistan their criminal behaviour will exact a heavy price. One way is to adopt the Israeli Defence Forces strategy which aims to cause the opponent more damage (quantitatively and qualitatively) than the opponent caused Israel in the same time span. The fear of punitive retaliation would delay the next conflict and restrain the enemy's ambitions.

For the success of any strategy be it combative or “limited” war one needs national will, great swiftness and sagacity more than readiness to use military power. War is an option every nation prepares. This entails a clear view of where the dangers lie, and of what kinds of responses are necessary to meet those dangers. It includes also a basic, crystalline faith that India is on the right path and that Kashmir is worth defending. 

While an overt message needs to be sent, covert operations will also have to be enhanced. Key militant leaders and infrastructure within Pakistan cannot be allowed to feel secure. India must also employ cyber warfare tactics to disrupt militant communications and operations. 

Consequently, the success of counter-terrorism lies in degrading LeT, JeM and TRF capabilities, forcing them to change their intentions and denying them opportunities to strike. New Delhi  needs to think of ways to neutralise their fast-growing domestic base, availability of hardware and human resource, collaborative linkages with organized crime, gun runners, drug syndicates, hawala operators, subversive radical groups etc.

For any anti-terrorist operation to succeed one must be focused on the vitals, keeping a watch on the essentials, deliberate and debate the options and leave the desirables till the vitals have been achieved and essentials addressed. One only hopes that whatever action the Government takes is prudent in the larger sense, not performative or reckless.

Certainly, in this zero-sum game, muscle-flexing, war rhetoric and one-upmanship will continue till Kashmir is resolved. Pahalgam’s horror is a stark reminder the policy of “benign neglect” India had pursued towards Pakistan doesn’t work. We need to be tough to punish and deter cross-border transgressions. Make clear that protection to terrorists by Islamabad is unacceptable. They need to be smoked out and bombed, a la US seals of Osama bin Laden at Abbottabad.

Our leaders must understand the nature of threat and adopt a strategy that’s in tune with the situation. Any Indian response to Pahalgam will therefore involve a mix of measures targeting Pakistan and international community. India's message must teach Pakistan's military leadership their criminal behaviour will exact a heavy price. Security agencies have to uncover terror networks and linkages to nail the perpetrators. It must choose targets and path carefully while firewalling citizens from consequences. 

Modi knows only too well staying ahead is the name of the game. The nation which survives is the one that rises to meet the moment, which has the wisdom to recognize the threat and the will to turn it back, and does so before it is too late. Modi has made plain: Let not any one kick India around with tall talk of bleeding India with a thousand cuts! Will Pakistan heed? ----- INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 22 April 2025

Language Wars

GAME OF POWER?

By Poonam I Kaushish

A rose by any other name would smell as sweet, said Shakespeare in Romeo and Juliet. A quote which underscores the war of words over language across India: Hindi vs Tamil vs Urdu vs Marathi etc. A political tongue-twister!

The decades-old spat over Hindi imposition in Tamil Nadu has erupted again. Wherein, Prime Minister Modi’s Government is locked in a bitter dispute with DMK Government accusing New Delhi of trying to impose Hindi on schools, a charge that New Delhi denies. Along-with a war of words over NDA Sarkar denying education funds to the State by using the Nation Education Policy (NEP),  as a smokescreen to push Hindi, given State’s refusal to accept the three-language formula.

Modi mocked Tamil leaders, “Ministers talk about pride in their language but always write letters to me and sign off in English. Why don’t they use Tamil language? Where is their Tamil pride?” Chief Minister Stalin replied with an ominous warning, “Don’t throw stones at a beehive…Don’t aspire to see the unique fighting spirit of Tamils.”

Questionably, what’s the spat about? Is Modi Government’s trying to force Tamil children to learn Hindi? Why is Hindi so divisive in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra ? What do all have against Urdu?

Succinctly, the dispute is all about the NEP, introduced in 1968 and updated in 2020. The original policy mandated a three-language formula. Hindi-speaking States in Northern India were required to teach Hindi, English and a third Indian language in school – preferably a language from Southern India. Non-Hindi-speaking States needed to teach local language, Hindi and English. Tamil Nadu’s neighbouring States also speak Dravidian languages like Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam.

The idea behind the three-language formula was to push Hindi as a link language in a country which is home to the world’s largest pool of languages. The Constitution recognises 121 languages, including 22 as official. While, Hindi is widely spoken by 520 million (43%) Tamil, fifth in place, is spoken by 69 million (5.7%) people.

When revised 2020, the Education policy retained the three-language formula but allowed more flexibility for regions to choose three languages, with at least two being Indian. But even that is unacceptable to Tamil Nadu, because it never accepted the three-language formula. Only two languages, Tamil and English are taught in schools.

Ditto Maharashtra where language continues to be a sensitive issue. The State Government's move to introduce Hindi as a compulsory third language for primary classes in Marathi and English-medium schools has touched a raw nerve. Opposition Congress and Thackeray's Shiv Sena have voiced strong objections against Centre's three-language policy. They want a ‘Marathi first’ policy citing Tamil Nadu’s example.  Arguing the State formed in 1960 following an agitation by Maharashtra Sangarsh Samiti which advocated formation of a State of native Marathi speakers. 

Even as the State boasts of being a melting pot of people of different cultures, States and coexistence, the reality is different. The state of coexistence is not a given, but constantly negotiated by Marathi and non-Marathi migrant residents. Add to it competition for resources and jobs often upsets the delicate balance of interest and populist politicians weaponise language to fuel resententment and polarise voters for electoral gains.

In fact, many metros --- Bengaluru, Chennai, Mumbai and Gurugram have experienced such divisive politics vis-à-vis street mobilizations and privileging of local language over other languages to legislate action for reserving  job for native residents.

Besides, in 1953, Telugu speaking people, (81 million) agitated which led to Andhra Pradesh breaking away from Tamil Nadu. That set the template for linguistic re-organisation of all Indian States a few years later. State borders were redrawn, mostly on the basis of who spoke which language.

And many States other than Tamil Nadu also opposed mandatory teaching in Hindi under the 1968 education policy. But only Tamil Nadu broke with the national decree and pursued a two-language formula – Tamil and English.

Today, Urdu too has ignited a controversy. Supreme Court while hearing a petition challenging Urdu’s use on a municipal building’s signboard and whether it flouted ‘Rajbhasha’ Marathi observed, “The prejudice against Urdu stems from the misconception that Urdu is alien to India. This is incorrect. Urdu, like Hindi and Marathi is an Indo-Aryan language. It’s a language born in this land.”

Undoubtedly, the ruling highlighted the Constitutional right to linguistic diversity but also emphasized Urdu’s integral role in India’s syncretic cultural and intellectual heritage. Increasingly viewed through the narrow prism of identity politics that considered Urdu to be an Islamic import, there has been a push back against Urdu. In February, Urdu was noticeably absent in UP’s list of languages for translation in Assembly’s proceedings.

Critics argue, “Bluntly, language has always been a major fault line in our polity which has also shaped the contour of our federalism. Worse, language is a game of power, the power to impose your code or language. It’s not about communication. Like, you don’t know this language therefore you have less power than me.”

Pertinently, the three-language formula was not ever put in place keeping children’s education in mind but to address speakers who refused to accept Hindi imposition. Adding, Centre is supposed to represent India and all of its myriad languages but its focus is primarily n pushing Hindi.

 “Government is investing and promoting Hindi. Example: All Government’s schemes bear Hindi names: Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana etc. Also it has a dedicated Hindi Division to promote Hindi overseas, including translations, speeches and statements through embassies. It plans to send 3000 Hindi teachers to Northeastern States, where Hindi is not common”.

Other argue for treating all recognized languages as equals and against the imposition of any one language as official or national.

Realistically, while most non-Hindi speaking States taught Hindi, most Hindi-speaking States picked Sanskrit as the third language which is not in everyday use any more , though it is being taught in schools as it is a high-scoring subject

However, one fails to understand the brouhaha about Hindi as under NEP 2020, Hindi is an optional third language for non-Hindi-speaking States, not mandatory --- that too for the first time. The Government insists it promotes use of non-Hindi languages. Regional languages, including Tamil are used for in examinations for Central administration jobs.

Remember, language is not religion. It does not represent religion. Language belongs to a community, region and people. Language is culture. Rather than drawing a dividing line all languages should be celebrated as a meeting ground, an oven tapestry of ideas, culture and people.    

As a Hindi poet said, “Majdhaar mein naiya dole to maanjhi paar lagaaye, maanjhi jo naav duboye useh kaun bachaye? (If boat shakes midstream, boatman takes it across, if boatman sinks boat, who will save it?)

Clearly, the histories of States need to be kept in mind as Centre engages with their Governments which refuse to yield any inch on language. Aspiring for a monolingual existence is a fraught idea which militates against India’s political and Constitutional history. More so, in a unipolar and multi-language world.

The big challenge is to balance linguistic sub-nationalism with Unitarian demands of the nation- State. Both can co-exist in a federal system. The periodic and perhaps, inevitable rise in tensions need to be negotiated in a give-and-take spirit as also within principles outlined in the Constitution.  Will all abide? ---- INFA           

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 15 April 2025

Karnataka Caste Census

POLITICS TURNED ON ITS HEAD

By Poonam I Kaushish 

The caste genie unleashed by our polity nearly three decades ago bared its poisonous fangs again in Karnataka whereby casteism is the cause célèbre. No matter its manifestations are complex --- sometimes visceral, at other times insidious giving further impetus and widening caste divide. Who cares? 

Chief Minister Siddaramaiah presented a copy of the caste census Socioeconomic Educational Survey (SES) 2015 by Karnataka State Commission for Backward Classes (commissioned 2014 during his previous tenure) to his Cabinet which will discuss it Thursday. But a leaked copy is a hot potato if its’ data is to be believed. 

Rub  your eyes, Muslims are Karnataka’s single largest community 12.87%, next Scheduled Castes 12% with politically and economically powerful Veerashaiva Lingayats 11.09% third, Vokkaligas10.31% fourth, Kurubas 7.38%, ST 7.1%, ST Valmiki-Nayaka 30,31,656 (5.07%).

Brahmins are just 2.98%,  Jains 0.70%, Christians 1.44%, OBC (others) 2.96%, Devangas 1.05% among 167 castes surveyed including Badagas with 32 members and  0.56% having ‘no caste.’ The survey covered 98% rural and 95% urban population, totaling 6.35 crore of which 37 lakhs were left out for unknown reasons.   

Armed with this, the State Government’s plans increasing OBC reservation from existing 32% to 51% and ‘backward’ Muslims from 4% to 8%, totaling 73.5% including 15% for SCs and 7.5% STs over 50% Supreme Court’s capping, stirring a political controversy. 

Even as Siddaramaiah promises to place census in the Assembly  justifying it “essential as none had been conducted since 1931 despite Supreme and High Courts repeatedly asking State Government to provide empirical data to better understand socio-economic conditions of various communities.” 

Predictably, this has changed political equations, ruffled feathers of community leaders threatening their political dominance and divided Congress on caste lines with angry netas calling it “unscientific and bogus” urging Government to junk it. Lingayat leaders accused the Commission of “undercounting Lingayats.” “We will not accept this report under any circumstances. We will appeal to Government to conduct a fresh caste census.” 

Vokkaligas yelled blue murder. If accurate, this data suggests Lingayats and Vokkaligas are significantly overrepresented in Constitutional bodies. Currently, over 50% MLAs belong to these two communities. 

Other brazenly said “increase reservation even if it leads to Government fall.” Resentment is rife even amongst Brahmins which could outweigh political benefits Congress might gain from OBCs as they are not a cohesive group. 

Besides, if the report is released, it will need to be backed by strong political, administrative, and welfare measures, which would be a major challenge. “The census has become a political dilemma for Siddaramaiah. It is hot ghee, he can neither spit it out nor swallow it,” said another leader. Thereby, turning Karnataka’s caste-ridden politics on its head. 

The beleaguered Chief Minister feels he is untouchable, safer in his chair till the decision on census implementation which might take a year or two. Also, he is supported by Kurubas as he is one and it would reconsolidate his AHINDA (minorities, backward classes, SC/STs) alliance, further giving Congress a strong political platform to stop BJP-JD(S) in their tracks. 

The BJP retaliated accusing Congress of minority appeasement trying to leverage caste for political gains. Calling Siddaramaiah  “villain who has stooped low, it seems he has dictated the report. No way are Muslims majority community.” Gowda’s JD(S) is cautiously following developments while OBCs are upbeat as it would completely change Karnataka’s socio-political scene in their favour. Not a few feel Government has thrown a stone at a beehive. 

Congress’s central leadership avers caste census goal is OBCs welfare. Sic. It’s a ploy to divide Hindu votes on caste lines to weaken BJP. Said a senior leader, “Caste census would open another flank and create problems for BJP. The axis would be pro-Modi vs anti-Modi and we will try to mobilise OBCs. This will be Mandal 2.0, different from Mandal 1.0 which involved aggressive OBC mobilization.” 

Fueled by Mandalistation, politics, is now polarised on caste basis with elections being fought on caste considerations. Voters are regressively but decisively voting along caste lines. After all, why should Brahmins and Thakurs, only 15% of vote-bank, rule the roost? Plainly, political consciousness terminates at the caste level today. 

Besides, a caste census would help address historical injustices and discrimination, be useful in formulating appropriate policies to target Government welfare schemes and policies ensuring they reach intended beneficiaries. Thereby, giving the rootless down-trodden a new identity and attitudinal changes. 

Sadly to gain vote-banks none have paid heed to the Frankenstein they have unleashed. Failing to realize politicisation of caste is a double-edged sword. Caste needs politics as much as politics need caste. When caste groupings make politics their sphere of activities they get a chance to assert their identity and strive for power and position. 

True, none can fault granting equal opportunities to all. But whether this would translate into equal outcome is debatable. Questionably, will not caste further fractionalize national politics. BJP hasn’t taken any position as it could pose a big challenge to its Hindutva campaign which would cause its vote-share to fragment, even as it tries to consolidate different castes in under Hindutva. 

Further, conducting a caste census could lead to political risks. An enumeration of OBCs in a census would provide not only hard data about their numerical strength in different States but also help examine OBC share in State institutions specially judiciary, educational establishments which are controlled and monopolized by social elites giving Dalits and Bahujan groups miniscule presence. 

It could lead to demands for increased representation and reservation for these groups potentially disrupting the existing power dynamics and political representation. Resulting, in new political consciousness among socially marginalized groups, consequently initiating a new movement for social justice which could marginalize BJP. 

Conversely, the more demands for caste surveys are raised, there is an equally greater opportunity for BJP to package it as ‘divisive agenda’ against their ‘national unification call’ centred around Hindutva. Any wonder UP Chief Minister Yogi has declared Sanatana Dharma as the only religion to counter caste survey. No matter this could open a Pandora's box. 

Currently, BJP sees OBCs as two blocks --- dominant and non-dominant, upper and lower. It intends to woo dominant castes like Yadavs, Kurmis, and Kushwahas in Bihar and UP and Vokkaligas in Karnataka. Any sub-categorisation will close doors on these sub-castes and make Mandal 1 progenies Akhilesh, Lalu and Nitish stronger in their communities. 

Anti-caste thinkers assert a census is important to understand the granular effect of caste on education, employment, economic attainment levels and inter-generational mobility. Arguing as caste is a socio-economic reality having hard data on its impact is the only way to frame policies. Eliding the effect of caste skews scales even more against marginalized groups. 

Clearly, in the Kafkaesque world where caste identity is sticky baggage, difficult to dislodge in social settings and where caste vs caste fight and decide one’s fate, no Party wants to jeopordise its caste vote-banks. Wherein, the fight for getting the upper hand and votes has been reduced to politics of optics and perception, underscoring present reality and exposes the socio-political undercurrents at play. 

Undoubtedly, the caste Frankenstein must be stopped. This is no time for mindless populism of social group politics as it will only further divide people on caste lines and increase the chasm between haves and have-nots. If Bharat has to reach its pinnacle of success it cannot revel in petty politricks. ---- INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

Political Diary

New Delhi, 8 April 2025

Wakf Act

MOUNTAIN OUT OF MOLEHILL

By Poonam I Kaushish 

Phew! As Delhi simmers in rising heat wave, it is better than political stewing on the contentious  Mussalman Wakf (Repeal) Bill, 2025 which became law yesterday after a long, intense and heated debate in Parliament over Government’s aims to significantly reforms Waqfs in governance, transparency and efficiency of its properties with Prime Minister Modi calling it a “watershed moment.” 

However, critics disagree by arguing the Government’s lack of knowledge of Waqf’ which is rooted in Islamic laws and traditions. It refers to an endowment made by a Muslim for charitable or religious purposes such as building mosques, schools, hospitals etc. Waqf property is inalienable, cannot be sold, gifted, inherited or encumbered. Therefore, once a property is divested from Waqif  it vests in God as per Islamic belief so it is ‘Waqf property’. 

Government cites lack of transparency in Waqf property management, proper accounting and auditing of Waqf properties, administrative inefficiencies, mutation of Waqf land records, irrational power of Waqf Boards to declare any property as Waqf land based on their own inquiry, innumerable prolonged litigations including encroachment related to Government land declared as Waqf. 

Think. In 2013 there were 10,381 pending cases, today it is 21,618 cases over 58000 properties, inadequate representation of stakeholders in Central Waqf Council and State Waqf Boards and insufficient provisions for women’s inheritance rights 

Even as the Government aims to streamline management, promote social welfare, gender and class inclusive, Opposition yell blue murder accusing Modi Sarkar of encroaching on domain of faith, violating rights and promoting State overreach. trying to reshape the socio-political landscape, read Muslims, through a majoritarian agenda which would have wide-ranging ramifications for Muslims and their rights to equality and religious freedoms guaranteed by Article 14,25 and 26. 

Already Congress and DMK have moved Supreme Court against the Act as it spreads hatred against Muslims. There are rumblings within JD(U) with five senior leaders quitting as State readies for polls October on grounds that the enhanced role of State authorities in Waqf administration impinges on the right of Muslim community to manage its institutions. 

Muslim clerics argue Waqf is not a secular institution as its goals and purposes are linked to religion. When management of Hindu shrines restricts holding of office to only Hindus, why are non-Muslims being nominated to Waqf Boards but bars them from creating a Waqf or donating property to a Waqf? What is the need to change Waqfs nature and administration? 

In addition the Act discriminates against Muslims by imposing restrictions which are not part of the governance of other religious endowments. For instance, while Hindu and Sikh religious trusts continue to enjoy a degree of self-regulation the enactment disproportionately increases State intervention in Waqf affairs. 

Primarily, the changes would remove key protections for Waqf properties by shifting key decision-making powers such as dispute resolution and Waqf status declarations, from Waqf Boards to Government officials. This could directly impact the management and funding autonomy of madrassas and other educational institutions operating on Waqf lands. 

The inclusion of non-Muslims as Waqf Board CEOs and members has also drawn concern over the erosion of community control in sensitive areas such as curriculum, religious instruction, and institutional governance. But Home Minster Amit Shah bluntly tried unsuccessfully to calm fears that the Government would steer clear of religious practices and faith but seeks to ensure proper utilisation of charitable endowments. 

Adding, by preventing misuse and illegal occupation of Waqf lands it would boost revenue for Waqf Boards, allowing them to expand welfare programs whereby funds could be allocated to healthcare, education, housing benefiting economically weaker sections alongside regular audits inculcate financial discipline and strengthen public confidence in Waqf management. 

Is the Opposition making a mountain of a molehill? Or is Government is overreaching and trying to interfere in religious beliefs? The former more likely. With the India Bloc falling apart with Parties traversing their own path, each Party is taking a nuanced position to appease their votebanks. For regional satraps like SP’s Samajwadi and RJD besides their own community support they bank on Muslims. Ditto TMC. The BJP tweaked the Bill keeping its allies JD(U) and TDP’s sensitivities in mind. 

Viewed through the prism of contemporary politics, Congress is caught in a bind. To keep its ‘limited’ minority vote banks intact it decided to oppose the Act asserting “it undermines Muslim community's religious autonomy. Sic. Worse, it is worried of losing Muslim support as many battle Waqf Boards in land or property dispute. In Kerala it could lose its traditional vote bank Christian community’s as many are upset that the Party disregarded the Church’s appeal to vote in favour of the Bill. 

By introducing  “restrictions on the creation of Waqfs based on duration of one’s religious practice is unfounded in Islamic law, custom or precedent and infringes upon the fundamental right to profess and practice religion under Article 25,” underscored a senior leader. 

Undeniably, the Act addresses systemic flaws within the Waqf regime. More than a mere amendment, this enactment presents a paradigm shift. Waqf management is an administrative task not a religious ceremony. The Act safeguards Muslim rights and offers tangible benefits to them through efficient governance and resource management. 

Example: Under Section 40 of the 1995 Act Waqf Boards wielded unchecked power to claim properties without justification thereby clogging judicial dockets which the Sachar Committee 2006. By abolishing this Section and transferring adjudicatory powers to District Collectors with a 90-day appeal window in High Courts it reduces litigation time. 

Moreover, critique of inclusions of non-Muslims on Waqf Boards fails the Article 15 test as it prohibits bias solely on religious grounds. The Act governs administration which is a secular task. Also the 12-year cap on litigation will help decongest courts, clarify titles and stimulate economic activity ensuring Waqf  9.4 lakh acres serve the community. 

Further, previously Waqf funds were diverted to private coffers. By stipulating that only those practicing Islam for five years may constitute a Waqf would channelize resources to upliftment and curb misappropriation. 

History tells us The Mussalman Wakf Bill originally enacted during British era was replaced  post Independence by the Waqf Act 1954 which provided for the incorporation of Waqf Boards at State level and a Central Waqf Council at the Central level. But with Waqf administration falling into decadence in 1990s Government enacted the Waqf Act, 1995 nullifying all previous laws by democratizing process of constitution of State Waqf Boards, regulated and controlled alienation and leasing of Waqf properties culminating in the Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2013. 

Clearly, the Act delivers a functional Waqf which could be a beacon of empowerment for Muslims securing their welfare with unwavering equity while simultaneously advancing prosperity. It sets a progressive and fair framework for Waqf administration in the country. 

Will the Bill indeed give a boost and better lives to poor and economically weak Muslims? Time will tell. But one thing is plain: The Centre has to address minority concerns holistically specially education and improve their quality of life and well being.   

The onus is on Government to engage with Muslim leaders and address their concerns on State oversight of Waqf land which would help negate litigation and make their management more inclusive. Building trust across the board is a first step towards successful implementation of reforms. Stop creating mountains of molehills. What gives? ---- INFA   

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)