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Round the World
Kamandal = Mandal 2.0: NOT WHO, BUT WHAT, By Poonam I Kaushish, 6 May 2025 |
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Political Diary
New
Delhi, 6 May 2025
Kamandal = Mandal 2.0
NOT WHO, BUT WHAT
By Poonam I Kaushish
Circa
1901: “I don’t believe in caste in the modern sense as it connotes distinction
in status and is an evil,” Mahatma Gandhi. After him, Ambedkar waged a
relentless struggle against caste arguing for its annihilation to rebuild a
social democracy. Alas, from a social phenomenon that divided people, caste has
become central to our political system. Not who, but what you are.
Circa
2025: Call it a turning point or milestone every Party wants to know the caste
composition of a voter, constituency before selecting a candidate. Succinctly,
its’ the State catching up with the lived socio-economic and political reality
as it shapes hierarchy and discrimination, culture and belonging. That too, by using
Ambedkar’s name to perpetuate a system that he fought.
BJP
which battled caste surveys that militated against its concept of Hindu unity
has today embraced it marking a momentous ideological shift. Reason? Caste is
at the heart of Indian politics as a mobilization tool polarised on caste basis
with elections being fought on caste considerations. Voters are regressively
but decisively voting along caste lines. The upsurge of OBCs and their demand
for a more equitable participation and representation make quotas and queues
the centerpiece of affirmative action policies at the Centre.
Post
its’ below par performance in last year’s Lok Sabha polls specially in UP BJP
decided to bite the bullet aided by RSS putting its seal of approval and Bihar allies
JD (U) and LJP plugging it. Blunting India Bloc shrill demand for caste census,
it wrested the idea and announced it. No matter, it’s recent assertion of
recognizing only four castes: women, farmers, poor and youth.
Besides,
it is worried about possible OBC attrition in elections in crucial States Bihar
this year, followed by Assam, Tamil Nadu and Kerala 2026, the Saffron Sangh now
seeks a broader social coalition that can translate into pan-India support.
With Kamandal (Hindutva) as a steady
ideological base, BJP is now experimenting with MandaI 2.0 aimed at socially inclusive vote consolidation.
Consequently,
as caste census becomes the central focus in national politics the Party
doesn’t want to remain a mute spectator, instead become an active proponent
signalling its intent to lead rather than resist by including caste enumeration
in the coming census.
In
fact, a BJP insider avers the Party has repeatedly recalibrated its social
engineering to suit evolving political realities and forms Modi’s rise in 2014 when it shed its ‘suit boot ki sarkar’ image through welfare schemes like Ujjwala Awas Yojana to appeal to poorer sections across castes. Post Supreme
Court’s dilution of the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act 2018, NDA Government
restored its provision despite backlash from upper castes in States.
Thereafter,
it introduced a 10% Economically Weaker Section (EWS) to retain upper castes
votes. Thereby, showcasing its responsiveness to social undercurrents which
worked in Maharashtra and Haryana but not Jharkhand resulting in two
consecutive defeats.
Pertinently,
Bihar, Karnataka and Telangana have completed caste surveys. Interestingly, the
results also subtly endorsed the idea of giving representation to Muslims based
on their caste by categorising various Muslim communities under different caste
umbrellas.
But
what will be done with that knowledge? BJP’s ally in Bihar JD(U) released its
caste survey in October 2023 as part of RLD-Congress Mahagathbandhan whereby
63% of the State’s 13 crore population belonged to castes under EBC and OBC
categories SC 19.65% and upper castes 15.52%.
In
Congress-ruled Karnataka Muslims are the single largest community 12.87%, next SC
12% with politically and economically powerful Lingayats 11.09% third, Vokkaligas10.31%
fourth, Kurubas 7.38%, ST 7.1%, ST Valmiki-Nayaka 30,31,656 (5.07%). In Telangana
56.33% are Backward Classes, SCs/STs 17.43% and 10.45%, Muslim 12.56%.
Currently, BJP sees OBCs
as two blocks --- dominant and non-dominant, upper and lower. It intends to woo
dominant castes like Yadavs, Kurmis, and Kushwahas in Bihar and UP and
Vokkaligas in Karnataka. Any sub-categorisation will close doors on these sub-castes
and make Mandal 1 progenies Akhilesh, Lalu and Nitish stronger in their
communities.
Both BJP and Congress
recognize they have to address caste as a political category, not through
patronage. True, enumerating caste will help with accurate information ---
size, literacy levels, occupational structures. It helps structuring
opportunity and social mobility. It influences choices and trajectories from
education, employment, birth, marriage and death ritiuals. It would immediately
be visible if a caste is denied basic facilities and infra.
A
caste census would help address historical injustices and discrimination, be
useful in formulating appropriate policies to target Government welfare schemes
and policies ensuring they reach intended beneficiaries. Thereby, giving the
rootless down-trodden a new identity and attitudinal changes.
Questionably,
none are wiser how JD(U) or Congress-ruled Karnataka and Telangana have used
surveys for targeted interventions since there release? Also, caste sizes will
always be a hot potato. See how Karnataka is facing deluge of accusations of
inaccuracy from both within and BJP. What use caste enumeration if its outcome
is limited to power politics?
Already,
BJP is worried about the running feud between UP’s upper caste Rajput Chief
Minister Yogi with OBC MLAs alongside OBC allies Apna Dali and Nishad Parties
Anupriya Patel and Sanjay Nishad. As also in Bihar.
Indisputably,
caste is a major socio-political fault line which will influence political
alignments and voter choices and form the core of affirmative action by the
State. A census will force Parties to reset their approach to political
representation questions and reshape their stance on reservation.
Truth
is Governments have limited capacity to wholesale improve socio-economic
inequalities as caste numbers are likely to spur agitations for more quotas in
the name of affirmative action which is all a Government can do. To pull people
out of economic backwardness Government needs to facilitate economic
investment, education and training of youth for employment.
Without
these pillars no amount of data collected and collated it is going to be status
quo for those discriminated against and forced to remain socially backward.
Fundamental to progress is education, health, mobility, law and order and
availability and access to justice. A caste census is not vital to ensure this. Also it could
ensnare one in an ‘identity trap’ which should be dealt with simultaneously.
A
lot will depend on how the caste questionnaire is designed along-with
connecting the dots between data and Government policy. Certainly, the census
will pave the way for delimitation exercise --- OBC numbers and the gaps they
point to may blunt the North-South fault line. It may lead to demands for
extending quotas and for removing Supreme Court’s cap of 50% reservation.
Clearly,
caste is a slippery slope as Janata Dal’s VP Singh of Mandal 1.0 learnt the
hard way. There are many challenges ahead. For BJP it is a risky gamble as it
goes against its ideological grain and presumed interest of its oldest and
loyal support base. However, this pivot is inescapable as it pursues the idea
of a consolidated Hindu society. If played smartly, it may help the Party sweep
aside the Mandal legacy and assume ownership of OBC empowerment.
In
the ultimate, the fight for getting the upper hand and votes has been reduced
to politics of optics and perception, underscoring present reality and exposes
the socio-political undercurrents at play. Time will tell how the gambit of
caste census plays out and shapes the future of Indian democracy. ----- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Pahalgam Terror Tango: BLEEDING PAK WITH 1000 CUTS, By Poonam I Kaushish, 29 April 2025 |
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Political Diary
New
Delhi, 29 April 2025
Pahalgam Terror Tango
BLEEDING PAK WITH
1000 CUTS
By Poonam I Kaushish
Circa April 16, 2025: Twenty four year-old
Himanshi is exhilarated and dreams of a married
life
with 26 year old Lt Narwal.
Circa April 22, 2025:
Himanshi is widowed. Even as bridal bangles jingle on wrists and sindoor is fresh in her hair reminder of
a honeymoon hacked to death.
Narwal
was among 26 male tourists enjoying their holiday with families in salubrious Baisaran
Pahalgam killed. Words fail me in the horror of the savage terror attack which began
as collating beautiful memories, ended in a page soaked with blood and tears. Plunging
the country into grief and provoking nationwide anger demanding retribution.
Predictably,
Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) offshoot The
Resistance Front (TRF) owned up only to retract later in the face of worldwide
condemnation. The denial is disbelieved thanks to the litany of
Pakistani-directed terrorist attacks following 1999 Kargil conflict.
Yet,
one thought post Uri and 2019 Balakot strike to avenge the Pulwama attack on a
78 vehicles convoy of 2500 CRPF jawans travelling from Jammu to Srinagar,
terrorists had learnt a lesson. But one was wrong.
Undoubtedly,
payback will follow. Prime Minister Modi has made plain, “India will identify,
track, punish every terrorist and their backers bigger than they can imagine
and we will pursue them to the ends of Earth.” Already New Delhi has taken
punitive action below the military threshold: Kept 64-year-old Indus Water
Treaty in abeyance, closed Attari border, sent Pakistani visa holders back, expelled
more Pakistani diplomats and withdrawn its attaches from Islamabad.
Yet,
as New Delhi chooses the next course of action it will be difficult to shake of
the sense of despair this kind of terrorism produces. A successful military
operation might be an act of justice. It might restore a sense of confidence in
the Government’s capabilities and perhaps satiate the desire for revenge. But
even if these actions are successful we will continue to remain close to the
edge of an abyss.
As
we have seen this movie once too often, with antecedents going back to the
1980s and 1990s. Whereby, the script is tiresomely familiar: Islamist terror groups
created, armed, trained, and guided by Pakistan’s ISI, kill innocents in India.
Islamabad denies involvement even as groups therein “take credit” for attacks.
The world denounces it. India carefully calibrates its response so as not to
provoke a larger war. Once the tension settles everyone settles back to
business-as-usual. Until it happens again.
Undeniably,
the attack exposes the tenuous links in Pakistan’s ruling troika ----
Establishment, Army and ISI. New Delhi, times out of number forgets that its
neighbour has been nurtured on a military psyche whereby it views India as an
ideological, not solely military problem fed on a staple anti-India tirade
since 1947. For the troika seeped in armed tradition along-with its jihadist
proxies, the ‘core’ issue of Kashmir is an article of faith. Succinctly,
described by late Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as “bleeding India with a thousand cuts.”
Pahalgam
shows Pakistan is the biggest enemy of normalcy in Kashmir. Defence strategists
aver Islamabad timed the attack as it is
desperate for wider confrontation to deflect global attention from its own
existence-threatening domestic failings. It wants US, China to get involved.
Confessed Pakistan Defence Minister, “We have been supporting, training and
funding terrorist organisations for three decades as dirty work for the West
--- US and Britain.”
As
India readies for a strong and swift response it should not take the bait,
instead hit Pakistan where it hurts by working closely with Iran, Afghanistan
and China. With US President Trump breathing down its neck Beijing wants to
restore cordial ties with New Delhi. Can it get Islamabad to crackdown on terrorists?
If not, we know it will never abandon its “all-weather friend.”
In
this age of real politik, India will remain at the mercy of terrorist
organizations which will always have the upper hand in choosing the time and
place of the next attack. Our leaders should not be under any illusion that the
death of the fidayeens will deter jihadis operating from Pakistan and
their State sponsors from carrying on their irrational jihad. In fact, they
could raise a lethal phase of violence, notwithstanding Islamabad’s diplomatic
isolation.
What next? New Delhi
needs all its wits, military intelligence, resources, wisdom and restraint to
ensure that it remains in control of the Indo-Pak script and teach Pakistan
their criminal behaviour will exact a heavy price. One way is to adopt the
Israeli Defence Forces strategy which aims to cause the opponent more damage
(quantitatively and qualitatively) than the opponent caused Israel in the same
time span. The fear of punitive retaliation would delay the next conflict and
restrain the enemy's ambitions.
For
the success of any strategy be it combative or “limited” war one needs national
will, great swiftness and sagacity more than readiness to use military power.
War is an option every nation prepares. This entails a clear view of where the
dangers lie, and of what kinds of responses are necessary to meet those
dangers. It includes also a basic, crystalline faith that India is on the right
path and that Kashmir is worth defending.
While
an overt message needs to be sent, covert operations will also have to be
enhanced. Key militant leaders and infrastructure within Pakistan cannot be
allowed to feel secure. India must also employ cyber warfare tactics to disrupt
militant communications and operations.
Consequently,
the success of counter-terrorism lies in degrading LeT, JeM and TRF capabilities,
forcing them to change their intentions and denying them opportunities to
strike. New Delhi needs to think of ways
to neutralise their fast-growing domestic base, availability of hardware and
human resource, collaborative linkages with organized crime, gun runners, drug
syndicates, hawala operators,
subversive radical groups etc.
For any
anti-terrorist operation to succeed one must be focused on the vitals, keeping
a watch on the essentials, deliberate and debate the options and leave the
desirables till the vitals have been achieved and essentials addressed. One
only hopes that whatever action the Government takes is prudent in the larger
sense, not performative or reckless.
Certainly, in this
zero-sum game, muscle-flexing, war rhetoric and one-upmanship will continue
till Kashmir is resolved. Pahalgam’s horror is a stark reminder the policy of “benign
neglect” India had pursued towards Pakistan doesn’t work. We need to be tough
to punish and deter cross-border transgressions. Make clear that protection to
terrorists by Islamabad is unacceptable. They need to be smoked out and bombed,
a la US seals of Osama bin Laden at Abbottabad.
Our
leaders must understand the nature of threat and adopt a strategy that’s in
tune with the situation. Any Indian response to Pahalgam will therefore involve
a mix of measures targeting Pakistan and international community. India's
message must teach Pakistan's military leadership their criminal behaviour will
exact a heavy price. Security agencies have to uncover terror networks and
linkages to nail the perpetrators. It must choose targets and path carefully
while firewalling citizens from consequences.
Modi
knows only too well staying ahead is the name of the game. The nation which
survives is the one that rises to meet the moment, which has the wisdom to
recognize the threat and the will to turn it back, and does so before it is too
late. Modi has made plain: Let not any one kick India around with tall talk of
bleeding India with a thousand cuts! Will Pakistan heed? ----- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Language Wars: GAME OF POWER?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 22 April 2025 |
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Political Diary
New
Delhi, 22 April 2025
Language Wars
GAME OF POWER?
By Poonam I Kaushish
A
rose by any other name would smell as sweet, said Shakespeare in Romeo and Juliet.
A quote which underscores the war of words over language across India: Hindi vs Tamil vs Urdu vs Marathi etc. A
political tongue-twister!
The
decades-old spat over Hindi imposition in Tamil Nadu has erupted again. Wherein,
Prime Minister Modi’s Government is locked in a bitter dispute with DMK Government
accusing New Delhi of trying to impose Hindi on schools, a charge that New
Delhi denies. Along-with a war of words over NDA Sarkar denying education funds to the State by using the Nation
Education Policy (NEP), as a smokescreen
to push Hindi, given State’s refusal to accept the three-language formula.
Modi
mocked Tamil leaders, “Ministers talk about pride in their language but always
write letters to me and sign off in English. Why don’t they use Tamil language?
Where is their Tamil pride?” Chief Minister Stalin replied with an ominous
warning, “Don’t throw stones at a beehive…Don’t aspire to see the unique
fighting spirit of Tamils.”
Questionably,
what’s the spat about? Is Modi Government’s trying to force Tamil children to
learn Hindi? Why is Hindi so divisive in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra ? What do
all have against Urdu?
Succinctly,
the dispute is all about the NEP, introduced in 1968 and updated in 2020. The
original policy mandated a three-language formula. Hindi-speaking States in Northern
India were required to teach Hindi, English and a third Indian language in
school – preferably a language from Southern India. Non-Hindi-speaking States
needed to teach local language, Hindi and English. Tamil Nadu’s neighbouring States
also speak Dravidian languages like Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam.
The
idea behind the three-language formula was to push Hindi as a link language in
a country which is home to the world’s largest pool of languages. The Constitution
recognises 121 languages, including 22 as official. While, Hindi is widely
spoken by 520 million (43%) Tamil, fifth in place, is spoken by 69 million (5.7%)
people.
When
revised 2020, the Education policy retained the three-language formula but
allowed more flexibility for regions to choose three languages, with at least
two being Indian. But even that is unacceptable to Tamil Nadu, because it never
accepted the three-language formula. Only two languages, Tamil and English are
taught in schools.
Ditto Maharashtra
where language continues to be a sensitive issue. The State Government's move to introduce Hindi as a compulsory
third language for primary classes in Marathi and English-medium schools has touched a raw
nerve. Opposition Congress and Thackeray's Shiv
Sena have voiced strong objections against Centre's
three-language policy. They want a ‘Marathi first’ policy citing Tamil Nadu’s
example. Arguing the State formed in 1960
following an agitation by Maharashtra Sangarsh Samiti which advocated formation
of a State of native Marathi speakers.
Even
as the State boasts of being a melting pot of people of different cultures, States
and coexistence, the reality is different. The state of coexistence is not a
given, but constantly negotiated by Marathi and non-Marathi migrant residents.
Add to it competition for resources and jobs often upsets the delicate balance
of interest and populist politicians weaponise language to fuel resententment
and polarise voters for electoral gains.
In
fact, many metros --- Bengaluru, Chennai, Mumbai and Gurugram have experienced
such divisive politics vis-à-vis street
mobilizations and privileging of local language over other languages to
legislate action for reserving job for
native residents.
Besides,
in 1953, Telugu speaking people, (81 million) agitated which led to Andhra
Pradesh breaking away from Tamil Nadu. That set the template for linguistic re-organisation
of all Indian States a few years later. State borders were redrawn, mostly on
the basis of who spoke which language.
And
many States other than Tamil Nadu also opposed mandatory teaching in Hindi
under the 1968 education policy. But only Tamil Nadu broke with the national
decree and pursued a two-language formula – Tamil and English.
Today,
Urdu too has ignited a controversy. Supreme Court while hearing a petition
challenging Urdu’s use on a municipal building’s signboard and whether it
flouted ‘Rajbhasha’ Marathi observed,
“The prejudice against Urdu stems from the misconception that Urdu is alien to
India. This is incorrect. Urdu, like Hindi and Marathi is an Indo-Aryan
language. It’s a language born in this land.”
Undoubtedly,
the ruling highlighted the Constitutional right to linguistic diversity but
also emphasized Urdu’s integral role in India’s syncretic cultural and
intellectual heritage. Increasingly viewed through the narrow prism of identity
politics that considered Urdu to be an Islamic import, there has been a push
back against Urdu. In February, Urdu was noticeably absent in UP’s list of
languages for translation in Assembly’s proceedings.
Critics
argue, “Bluntly, language has always been a major fault line in our polity which
has also shaped the contour of our federalism. Worse, language is a game of
power, the power to impose your code or language. It’s not about communication.
Like, you don’t know this language therefore you have less power than me.”
Pertinently,
the three-language formula was not ever put in place keeping children’s
education in mind but to address speakers who refused to accept Hindi
imposition. Adding, Centre is supposed to represent India and all of its myriad
languages but its focus is primarily n pushing Hindi.
“Government is investing and promoting Hindi. Example: All Government’s schemes bear Hindi names: Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, Pradhan
Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana etc. Also it has a dedicated Hindi Division to
promote Hindi overseas, including translations, speeches and statements through
embassies. It plans to send 3000 Hindi teachers to Northeastern States, where Hindi
is not common”.
Other
argue for treating all recognized languages as equals and against the
imposition of any one language as official or national.
Realistically,
while most non-Hindi speaking States taught Hindi, most Hindi-speaking States
picked Sanskrit as the third language which is not in everyday use any more ,
though it is being taught in schools as it is a high-scoring subject
However,
one fails to understand the brouhaha about Hindi as under NEP 2020, Hindi is an
optional third language for non-Hindi-speaking States, not mandatory --- that
too for the first time. The Government insists it promotes use of non-Hindi
languages. Regional languages, including Tamil are used for in examinations for
Central administration jobs.
Remember,
language is not religion. It does not represent religion. Language belongs to a
community, region and people. Language is culture. Rather than drawing a dividing
line all languages should be celebrated as a meeting ground, an oven tapestry
of ideas, culture and people.
As
a Hindi poet said, “Majdhaar mein naiya
dole to maanjhi paar lagaaye, maanjhi jo naav duboye useh kaun bachaye? (If
boat shakes midstream, boatman takes it across, if boatman sinks boat, who will
save it?)
Clearly,
the histories of States need to be kept in mind as Centre engages with their
Governments which refuse to yield any inch on language. Aspiring for a monolingual
existence is a fraught idea which militates against India’s political and
Constitutional history. More so, in a unipolar and multi-language world.
The
big challenge is to balance linguistic sub-nationalism with Unitarian demands
of the nation- State. Both can co-exist in a federal system. The periodic and
perhaps, inevitable rise in tensions need to be negotiated in a give-and-take spirit
as also within principles outlined in the Constitution. Will all abide? ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Karnataka Caste Census: POLITICS TURNED ON ITS HEAD,By Poonam I Kaushish, 15 April 2025 |
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Political Diary
New
Delhi, 15 April 2025
Karnataka Caste
Census
POLITICS TURNED ON
ITS HEAD
By Poonam I Kaushish
The
caste genie unleashed by our polity nearly three decades ago bared its
poisonous fangs again in Karnataka whereby casteism is the cause célèbre. No matter its manifestations are complex ---
sometimes visceral, at other times insidious giving further impetus and widening
caste divide. Who cares?
Chief
Minister Siddaramaiah presented a
copy of the caste census Socioeconomic Educational Survey (SES) 2015 by Karnataka
State Commission for Backward Classes (commissioned 2014 during his previous tenure) to his Cabinet which will discuss it
Thursday. But a leaked copy is a hot potato if its’ data is to be
believed.
Rub your eyes, Muslims are Karnataka’s single
largest community 12.87%, next Scheduled Castes 12% with politically and
economically powerful Veerashaiva Lingayats 11.09% third, Vokkaligas10.31%
fourth, Kurubas 7.38%, ST 7.1%, ST Valmiki-Nayaka 30,31,656 (5.07%).
Brahmins
are just 2.98%, Jains 0.70%, Christians
1.44%, OBC (others) 2.96%, Devangas 1.05% among 167 castes surveyed including
Badagas with 32 members and 0.56% having
‘no caste.’ The survey covered 98% rural and 95% urban population, totaling
6.35 crore of which 37 lakhs were left out for unknown reasons.
Armed
with this, the State Government’s plans increasing OBC reservation from
existing 32% to 51% and ‘backward’ Muslims from 4% to 8%, totaling 73.5% including
15% for SCs and 7.5% STs over 50% Supreme Court’s capping, stirring a political
controversy.
Even
as Siddaramaiah promises to
place census in the Assembly justifying
it “essential as none had been conducted since 1931 despite Supreme and High Courts
repeatedly asking State Government to provide empirical data to better
understand socio-economic conditions of various communities.”
Predictably,
this has changed political equations, ruffled feathers of community leaders threatening their political dominance
and divided Congress on caste lines with angry netas calling it “unscientific and bogus” urging Government to junk
it. Lingayat leaders accused the Commission of “undercounting Lingayats.” “We
will not accept this report under any circumstances. We will appeal to Government
to conduct a fresh caste census.”
Vokkaligas
yelled blue murder. If accurate, this data suggests Lingayats and Vokkaligas are
significantly overrepresented in Constitutional bodies. Currently, over 50%
MLAs belong to these two communities.
Other
brazenly said “increase reservation even if it leads to Government fall.” Resentment
is rife even amongst Brahmins which could outweigh political benefits Congress
might gain from OBCs as they are not a cohesive group.
Besides,
if the report is released, it will need to be backed by strong political,
administrative, and welfare measures, which would be a major challenge. “The
census has become a political dilemma for Siddaramaiah. It is hot ghee, he can neither spit it
out nor swallow it,” said another leader. Thereby, turning Karnataka’s
caste-ridden politics on its head.
The
beleaguered Chief Minister feels he is untouchable, safer in his chair till the
decision on census implementation which might take a year or two. Also, he is
supported by Kurubas as he is one and it would reconsolidate his AHINDA
(minorities, backward classes, SC/STs) alliance, further giving Congress a
strong political platform to stop BJP-JD(S) in their tracks.
The
BJP retaliated accusing Congress of minority appeasement trying to leverage
caste for political gains. Calling Siddaramaiah
“villain who has stooped low, it
seems he has dictated the report. No way are Muslims majority community.” Gowda’s
JD(S) is cautiously following developments while OBCs are upbeat as it would
completely change Karnataka’s socio-political scene in their favour. Not a few feel
Government has thrown a stone at a beehive.
Congress’s central leadership avers caste census goal is OBCs welfare.
Sic. It’s a ploy to divide Hindu votes on caste lines to weaken BJP. Said a
senior leader, “Caste census would open another flank and create problems for BJP.
The axis would be pro-Modi vs anti-Modi
and we will try to mobilise OBCs. This will be Mandal 2.0, different from
Mandal 1.0 which involved aggressive OBC mobilization.”
Fueled
by Mandalistation, politics, is now polarised on caste basis with elections
being fought on caste considerations. Voters are regressively but decisively
voting along caste lines. After all, why should Brahmins and Thakurs, only 15%
of vote-bank, rule the roost? Plainly, political consciousness terminates at
the caste level today.
Besides,
a caste census would help address historical injustices and discrimination, be useful
in formulating appropriate policies to target Government welfare schemes and
policies ensuring they reach intended beneficiaries. Thereby, giving the
rootless down-trodden a new identity and attitudinal changes.
Sadly
to gain vote-banks none have paid heed to the Frankenstein they have unleashed.
Failing to realize politicisation of caste is a double-edged sword. Caste needs
politics as much as politics need caste. When caste groupings make politics
their sphere of activities they get a chance to assert their identity and
strive for power and position.
True,
none can fault granting equal opportunities to all. But whether this would
translate into equal outcome is debatable. Questionably, will not caste further
fractionalize national politics. BJP hasn’t taken any position as it could pose
a big challenge to its Hindutva campaign which would cause its vote-share to fragment,
even as it tries to consolidate different castes in under Hindutva.
Further,
conducting a caste census could lead to political risks. An enumeration of OBCs
in a census would provide not only hard data about their numerical strength in
different States but also help examine OBC share in State institutions
specially judiciary, educational establishments which are controlled and
monopolized by social elites giving Dalits and Bahujan groups miniscule
presence.
It
could lead to demands for increased representation and reservation for these
groups potentially disrupting the existing power dynamics and political
representation. Resulting, in new political consciousness among socially
marginalized groups, consequently initiating a new movement for social justice
which could marginalize BJP.
Conversely,
the more demands for caste surveys are raised, there is an equally greater
opportunity for BJP to package it as ‘divisive agenda’ against their ‘national
unification call’ centred around Hindutva. Any wonder UP Chief Minister Yogi
has declared Sanatana Dharma as the
only religion to counter caste survey. No matter this could open a Pandora's
box.
Currently, BJP sees OBCs
as two blocks --- dominant and non-dominant, upper and lower. It intends to woo
dominant castes like Yadavs, Kurmis, and Kushwahas in Bihar and UP and
Vokkaligas in Karnataka. Any sub-categorisation will close doors on these sub-castes
and make Mandal 1 progenies Akhilesh, Lalu and Nitish stronger in their
communities.
Anti-caste thinkers assert a census is important to understand the
granular effect of caste on education, employment, economic attainment levels
and inter-generational mobility. Arguing as caste is a socio-economic reality
having hard data on its impact is the only way to frame policies. Eliding the
effect of caste skews scales even more against marginalized groups.
Clearly,
in the Kafkaesque world where caste identity is sticky baggage, difficult to
dislodge in social settings and where caste vs
caste fight and decide one’s fate, no Party wants to jeopordise its caste vote-banks.
Wherein, the fight for getting the upper hand and votes has been reduced to
politics of optics and perception, underscoring present reality and exposes the
socio-political undercurrents at play.
Undoubtedly, the caste
Frankenstein must be stopped. This is no time for mindless populism of social group politics as it will only further divide people on caste lines
and increase the chasm between haves and have-nots. If Bharat has to reach its
pinnacle of success it cannot revel in petty politricks. ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Wakf Act: MOUNTAIN OUT OF MOLEHILL, By Poonam I Kaushish, 8 April 2025 |
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Political Diary
New
Delhi, 8 April 2025
Wakf Act
MOUNTAIN OUT OF
MOLEHILL
By Poonam I
Kaushish
Phew!
As Delhi simmers in rising heat wave, it is better than political stewing on
the contentious Mussalman Wakf (Repeal)
Bill, 2025 which became law yesterday after a long, intense and heated debate in
Parliament over Government’s aims to significantly reforms Waqfs in governance,
transparency and efficiency of its properties with Prime Minister Modi calling
it a “watershed moment.”
However,
critics disagree by arguing the Government’s lack of knowledge of Waqf’ which is
rooted in Islamic laws and traditions. It refers to an endowment made by a
Muslim for charitable or religious purposes such as building mosques, schools,
hospitals etc. Waqf property is inalienable, cannot be sold, gifted, inherited
or encumbered. Therefore, once a property is divested from Waqif it vests in God as per Islamic belief so it is
‘Waqf property’.
Government
cites lack of transparency in Waqf property management, proper accounting and
auditing of Waqf properties, administrative inefficiencies, mutation of Waqf
land records, irrational power of Waqf Boards to declare any property as Waqf
land based on their own inquiry, innumerable prolonged litigations including
encroachment related to Government land declared as Waqf.
Think.
In 2013 there were 10,381 pending cases, today it is 21,618 cases over 58000 properties,
inadequate representation of stakeholders in Central Waqf Council and State
Waqf Boards and insufficient provisions for women’s inheritance rights
Even
as the Government aims to streamline management, promote social welfare, gender
and class inclusive, Opposition yell blue murder accusing Modi Sarkar of encroaching on domain of
faith, violating rights and promoting State overreach. trying to reshape the
socio-political landscape, read Muslims, through a majoritarian agenda which
would have wide-ranging ramifications for Muslims and their rights to equality
and religious freedoms guaranteed by Article 14,25 and 26.
Already
Congress and DMK have moved Supreme Court against the Act as it spreads hatred
against Muslims. There are rumblings within JD(U) with five senior leaders
quitting as State readies for polls October on grounds that the enhanced role
of State authorities in Waqf administration impinges on the right of Muslim
community to manage its institutions.
Muslim
clerics argue Waqf is not a secular institution as its goals and purposes are
linked to religion. When management of Hindu shrines restricts holding of
office to only Hindus, why are non-Muslims being nominated to Waqf Boards but
bars them from creating a Waqf or donating property to a Waqf? What is the need
to change Waqfs nature and administration?
In
addition the Act discriminates against Muslims by imposing restrictions which are
not part of the governance of other religious endowments. For instance, while
Hindu and Sikh religious trusts continue to enjoy a degree of self-regulation the
enactment disproportionately increases State intervention in Waqf affairs.
Primarily,
the changes would remove key protections for Waqf properties by shifting key
decision-making powers such as dispute resolution and Waqf status declarations,
from Waqf Boards to Government officials. This could directly impact the
management and funding autonomy of madrassas and other educational institutions
operating on Waqf lands.
The
inclusion of non-Muslims as Waqf Board CEOs and members has also drawn concern
over the erosion of community control in sensitive areas such as curriculum,
religious instruction, and institutional governance. But Home Minster Amit Shah
bluntly tried unsuccessfully to calm fears that the Government would steer
clear of religious practices and faith but seeks to ensure proper utilisation
of charitable endowments.
Adding,
by preventing misuse and illegal occupation of Waqf lands it would boost
revenue for Waqf Boards, allowing them to expand welfare programs whereby funds
could be allocated to healthcare, education, housing benefiting economically
weaker sections alongside regular audits inculcate financial discipline and
strengthen public confidence in Waqf management.
Is
the Opposition making a mountain of a molehill? Or is Government is
overreaching and trying to interfere in religious beliefs? The former more
likely. With the India Bloc falling apart with Parties traversing their own
path, each Party is taking a nuanced position to appease their votebanks. For
regional satraps like SP’s Samajwadi and RJD besides their own community
support they bank on Muslims. Ditto TMC. The BJP tweaked the Bill keeping its
allies JD(U) and TDP’s sensitivities in mind.
Viewed
through the prism of contemporary politics, Congress is caught in a bind. To
keep its ‘limited’ minority vote banks intact it decided to oppose the Act
asserting “it undermines Muslim community's religious autonomy. Sic. Worse, it
is worried of losing Muslim support as many battle Waqf Boards in land or
property dispute. In Kerala it could lose its traditional vote bank Christian
community’s as many are upset that the Party disregarded the Church’s appeal to
vote in favour of the Bill.
By
introducing “restrictions on the
creation of Waqfs based on duration of one’s religious practice is unfounded in
Islamic law, custom or precedent and infringes upon the fundamental right to
profess and practice religion under Article 25,” underscored a senior leader.
Undeniably,
the Act addresses systemic flaws within the Waqf regime. More than a mere
amendment, this enactment presents a paradigm shift. Waqf management is an
administrative task not a religious ceremony. The Act safeguards Muslim rights
and offers tangible benefits to them through efficient governance and resource management.
Example:
Under Section 40 of the 1995 Act Waqf Boards wielded unchecked power to claim
properties without justification thereby clogging judicial dockets which the
Sachar Committee 2006. By abolishing this Section and transferring adjudicatory
powers to District Collectors with a 90-day appeal window in High Courts it reduces
litigation time.
Moreover,
critique of inclusions of non-Muslims on Waqf Boards fails the Article 15 test
as it prohibits bias solely on religious grounds. The Act governs
administration which is a secular task. Also the 12-year cap on litigation will
help decongest courts, clarify titles and stimulate economic activity ensuring
Waqf 9.4 lakh acres serve the community.
Further,
previously Waqf funds were diverted to private coffers. By stipulating that
only those practicing Islam for five years may constitute a Waqf would
channelize resources to upliftment and curb misappropriation.
History
tells us The Mussalman Wakf Bill originally enacted during British era was
replaced post Independence by the Waqf
Act 1954 which provided for the incorporation of Waqf Boards at State level and
a Central Waqf Council at the Central level. But with Waqf administration falling
into decadence in 1990s Government enacted the Waqf Act, 1995 nullifying all previous
laws by democratizing process of constitution of State Waqf Boards, regulated
and controlled alienation and leasing of Waqf properties culminating in the
Waqf (Amendment) Act, 2013.
Clearly,
the Act delivers a functional Waqf which could be a beacon of empowerment for
Muslims securing their welfare with unwavering equity while simultaneously
advancing prosperity. It sets a progressive and fair framework for Waqf
administration in the country.
Will
the Bill indeed give a boost and better lives to poor and economically weak Muslims?
Time will tell. But one thing is plain: The Centre has to address minority
concerns holistically specially education and improve their quality of life and
well being.
The
onus is on Government to engage with Muslim leaders and address their concerns
on State oversight of Waqf land which would help negate litigation and make
their management more inclusive. Building trust across the board is a first
step towards successful implementation of reforms. Stop creating mountains of
molehills. What gives? ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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