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POLL, CONGRESS-I & OPPOSITION UNITY, By Inder Jit, 18 April 2024 Print E-mail

REWIND

New Delhi, 18 April 2024

POLL, CONGRESS-I & OPPOSITION UNITY

By Inder Jit

(Released on 13 June 1989) 

The poll battle is hotting up. Everything is being said or done with an eye on winning supporters and influencing people. Nothing is being left to chance. The stakes are once again high, indeed very high. The battle is not just a quest for continuing in power for the Congress-I leaders. Even physical survival is involved in a tragic situation in which Punjab still awaits a solution and continues to bleed and suffer. What the outcome will be at the time of the poll in October at the earliest or in the first week of January at the latest --- lies in the lap of the Gods. Much will depend on the popular mood or the hawa on the eve of the election. Anything could happen between now and then in a country where the public easily goes euphoric and its opinion and mood are known to swing from one extreme to another. We have made heroes of ordinary mortals and raised them to glorious heights one day and denounced and dumped them the next day.

The Congress-I hopes to "sweep the poll and win an overwhelming majority", according to an assessment Mr H.K.L. Bhagat gave me at the Pioneer's 125th year celebration at the Vigyan Bhawan on Wednesday last. "Don't give me what is fit only for a bhashan," I said. He responded: "I am serious. Our people know what is good for them and the country." The Opposition, for its part, is no less optimistic, no matter what you and I think and feel in the metropolitan or other urban centres -- or in our ivory towers. Said Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee: "As things stand at present, the Opposition parties should get an overwhelming majority. I give the Congress-I a maximum of 200 seats out of a total of 544 seats." This assessment, as Mr Vajpayee clarified, "is based on the expectation that the Opposition parties will ultimately be able to fight the Congress-I on a one-to-one basis. All of us are keen to avoid splitting of the anti-Congress-I vote this time."

The Congress-I assessment is based mainly on the failure of the Opposition thus far to project itself as a credible alternative. In sharp contrast, the Congress-I sees itself acknowledged once again as India's best bet for stability and unity. The Janata Government in Karnataka and its impressive record posed a problem. But this has since been resolved --- rightly or wrongly. In addition, the party hopes to capitalize in a big way on Mr Rajiv Gandhi's new deal on Panchayati Raj. Not a little store is also laid by the Rs 2,500-crore Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, which is expected to swell the ranks of its supporters. Asserted a Congress-I leader: "Our voters go by broad impressions. Remember, Indira Gandhi won her battle against the old guard by declaring: ‘They say Indira hatao. I say garibi hatao’. Rajivji has now given a new slogan: 'Power to the people’. The masses are happy, who is bothered at the grassroots about constitutional niceties and the autonomy of the States?"

The Opposition expects to win mainly on the basis of what it describes as the Rajiv Government's present image of being "corrupt and rotten", arguing: "The Opposition is seldom voted to power. Only the Government is voted out!" Mr V.P. Singh, for instance, is not unduly worried that the Bofors and the Submarine scandals no longer dominate the proceedings of Parliament or the front pages of newspapers. He told me not long ago: "The people are now well aware of the truth. The chowkidar has turned into a chor." At any rate, the Opposition is not without more ammunition. This is expected to be used at the right moment. They also hope to cash in on what they describe as the failure of the Government's economic policies, as reflected in two things which concern the masses most: unemployment and prices. The Jawahar Rozgar Yojana, they feel, will only highlight the Government's basic failure --- and "its attempts to fool the people through stunts."

All out efforts are, therefore, under way on both sides to improve the image of their top leaders and to sully those of the opponents. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi turned up in the Lok Sabha to announce personally the Jawahar Rozgar Yojana and also to introduce the historic Panchayati Raj Bill, even as he was greatly conspicuous by his absence time and again when the House was plunged into disorder. (As the Leader of the House, Mr Gandhi is required to ensure that Parliament functions smoothly.) Everything possible is being done to damn the Janata Dal leader, Mr V.P. Singh. In the bargain, all norms and ethics have been cast to the winds. Even a newspaper article by Mr Madhu Limaye, who himself never made it to the big league as a controversial socialist, was quoted at length by Doordarshan to denigrate both Mr V.P. Singh and the Janata Dal. Obliging newspapers have also been roped in to denounce Mr Singh and put across the official pro-Rajiv line.

On the other hand, Mr V.P. Singh has been persuaded by his close aides and supporters to give greater attention to his popular image and to be careful about what he says. (Remember, following his triumph in the Allahabad by-election, Mr Singh openly stated that he would be "a disaster as Prime Minister." This, as he told me, was intended to stop people from talking of him as Prime Minister. But the statement is now being quoted against him!) Mr Singh has, therefore, asserted himself on the choice of the Janata Dal Chief in Bihar. He was far from happy at having appointed Mr Raghunath Jha at the pressing instance of Mr Chandra Shekhar and Mr Devi Lal. Now, he has removed Mr Jha and appointed Mr Ram Sundar Das, who has a much better image. In the process, he has shown that he can also be tough and decisive. Those who attended the Janata Dal's recent meet in Bangalore also speak highly of his conduct of the conclave.

Simultaneously, the Janata Dal is also working patiently to ensure the position unity at the polls and a one-to-one contest against the Congress-I, especially in the Hindi heartland which accounts for 221 seats. This is sought to be done through the National Front and through seat adjustments with the BJP, notwithstanding CPM Opposition. The CPM maintains that any adjustment with the BJP would drive the Muslims, who constitute 16 per cent of the voters, into the arms of the Congress-I. But the Janata Dal disagrees and asserts that adjustments are tactical and wholly distinct from an alliance. The Janata Dal and the BJP are also clear that adjustments are a must if the Congress-I is to be humbled. Consequently, Mr Vajpayee and Mr Devi Lal have not only met to hammer out adjustments, but their efforts hold out promise of unexpected success, proving the well-known adage: if there is a will there is a way.

The Congress-I, for its part, is trying its best overtly and covertly to prevent the Opposition from coming together. Quiet moves have been on to persuade the CPM to stay out of the National Front. At the same time, the Left has also been attacked publicly by Mr Rajiv Gandhi for continuing in a front in which its principal member, the Janata Dal, is "in alliance" with the "communal BJP". The CPM would, no doubt, be happier if the Janata Dal agreed not to seek adjustments with the BJP. But, to quote Mr Harkishan Singh Surjeet, "the CPM is clear that the Rajiv Gandhi Government today stands isolated from the common man and the masses and must be given a crushing defeat." Further, the CPM has hardly any following of its own in the Hindi heartland. It is, therefore, not terribly keen on making an issue of the Janata Dal-BJP talks and walking out of the National Front, something which would help only the ruling Congress-I.

One issue remains. What does the proverbial common man think and feel? Some quiet soundings over the past few weeks have yielded interesting results. The weaker sections of the community are exercised most of all over the continuous price rise, which has made their "lives miserable." (They assert: "What do our Ministers know of the price of atta, daal and other basic needs.") Corruption scandals relating to Bofors guns and HDW submarines undoubtedly bother them. But what has angered them most is the hard fact that corruption now afflicts all levels of administration down to the panchayat. Nothing moves even at the grass-roots without bribery. "Both have made the weaker sections anti-Rajiv Government," to quote more than one person. But they have a problem. They do not yet see a credible alternative and feel disgusted by the infighting (real or created) in the Janata Dal. Both the Congress-I and the Opposition would do well to pause --- and take note.---INFA

(Copyright, India News and Feature Alliance)

Heat Wave Conditions: FATAL IMPACT ON HUMAN HEALTH, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 17 April 2024 Print E-mail

Open Forum

New Delhi, 17 April 2024 

Heat Wave Conditions

FATAL IMPACT ON HUMAN HEALTH

By Dhurjati Mukherjee 

The past year, 2023 was the hottest year on record with mean temperature nearing the critical 1.50 Celsius threshold over a 12-month period and the trend continued in the first two months of this year. For India, 2023 was the second warmest year on record in the country since 1901. Projections reveal the current year may surpass this record as apart from April, the next two months may become unbearable in western, northern and eastern parts of India. Moreover, the coastal cities with high humidity as also the desert regions may give a feeling of anything around 42 to 45 degrees Celsius. 

Given the forecast,Prime Minister Modi called a meeting last week to take stock of the preparedness for heatwave conditions and advised that governments at central, state and district levels must work in synergy. 

The annual ‘State of Climate Report’of World Meteorological Organisation(WMO), says the global mean temperature in 2023 was 1.450C -- 0.2 degree Celsius above 1850-1900 average, turning it the warmest year in 174-year history of record keeping. Besides, it broke records in all climate indicators, including greenhouse gas levels, ocean heat, sea level rise, Antarctica sea ice loss and glacier retreat. 

It’s distressing touching the critical 1.50Celsius threshold so early has negated projection of Paris Agreement, hailed globally. “Never have we been so close to the 1.50 C limit of the Paris Agreement on climate change”, observed WMO Secretary General Celeste Saulo, sounding the red alert to the world. Thus, the question now would be whether warming would reach 2 or 2.50 C in the next two decades. 

India observed a significant mean temperature increase of 0.15 degrees C per decade since 1950, according to a 2020 Ministry of Earth Sciencesassessment. The observed warming is not occurring evenly across India. Warm days and warm nights have also increased at about seven and three days per decade, respectively, during 1951-2015 and even later. Currently, 23 States, mainly of plain and coastal regions, are considered more vulnerable to widespread heat impact. However, that doesn’t mean hilly states are safe. Although their maximum temperatures do not reach heatwave threshold levels of 45 degrees C, the population is experiencing higher temperatures compared to previous decades.  

The warming has been in focus for quite some time. A UN report about two years back, says India would become the worst climate-affected region in the world, specially applicable to the cities. Even this report could not contemplate that global warming of 1.5 degrees centigrade would be reached by 2023. 

At same time, the report predicted various trends which include: Rise in weather and climate extremes led to some irreversible impacts as natural and human systems are pushed beyond their ability to adapt; Approximately 3.3 to 3.6 billion people live under climate threat; Beyond 2040, climate change will lead to numerous risks and multiple climate hazard will occur simultaneously; Coastal cities are under severe climate risk which includes Mumbai, Chennai, Kolkata, Bhubaneswar etc. 

Human health exposure to severe or continuous heat, leads to heat stress. When uncompensated, heat stress manifests as heat-related illnesses. Such illnesses range from superficial/mild and manageable (e.g. prickly heat, heat-related swelling, heat cramps, heat exhaustion) to a medical emergency (i.e. heat stroke). Heat stroke is the most severe of heat-related illnesses as it impairs brain function (i.e. stroke) due to uncontrolled body heating. It may turn into a critical condition that often turns fatal if there is a delay or failure in reducing body temperature by rapid, active cooling. Besides neurological impairment, high core body temperature (at least 40 degrees C), or hot, dry skin are other heat stroke symptoms. 

Heat-related illnesses are not the only cause of emergency or mortality during hot summer days. Normal human body temperature stays within a narrow range of 36.3-37.3 degrees C. It maintains thermal balance through radiation (40%), evaporation (30%), convection (27%), and conduction (3%). Any external or internal condition that increases body temperature invokes various physiological responses changing cardiovascular, kidney, and metabolic systems, driven by increased blood flow to the skin and dehydration. Various studies have indicated that 90% of India is found to be vulnerable to heatwave impact. 

Epidemiologically, it is important to note; in current scenario, whichever threshold is used to announce heatwaves, the health impacts of heat do not begin to occur only after those threshold temperature levels are crossed. Health impacts begin much before, even at moderate temperature levels. In terms of external factors, humidity plays a crucial role in creating heat stress by limiting our body’s major cooling mechanism: sweating. 

Even at moderate temperatures, like 35 or 36 degrees C, if the relative humidity is 70%, it will feel like 50 degrees C to us. In terms of internal factors, heat’s impacts depend on the acclimatisation and build-up of heat stress in the human body. Acclimatisation is a gradual physiological adaptation (short-term) that increases heat tolerance as a person incrementally exerts in a hot setting for a few days. Air conditioning and comorbidities reduce our heat tolerance. Similarly, long-term adaptation occurs in people living in hotter regions over the years. Therefore, tourists from colder regions are particularly at risk of heat stroke. 

The Union Health Ministry cautioned amid weather forecasts of excess days of heat waves across the country during Lok Sabha elections. The National Programme on Climate Change and Human Health (NPCCHH) advisory on extreme heat underlined that physical exertion, direct sun exposure and difficult access to shade and water may worsen the health of vulnerable people. Infants, and young children and people with cardiovascular diseases or high blood pressure are among the vulnerable populations. Not just stroke but heat related illnesses include heat rash, heat oedema (swelling of hands, feet and ankles) and fainting. 

A study conducted in Kolkata for2021-22 summer found that indoor heat index levels in urban slum dwellings were 5.29 degrees C higher than outdoors. Dangerously high heat and humidity (at least 45 degrees C) remained for an average of about nine hours/day in urban slum dwellings compared to 2 hours a day in rural houses. These differences were particularly notable at night. During the coolest time of night, the insides of urban dwellings recorded a 6.4 degrees C higher heat index than outdoors, while the insides of rural houses recorded 1.3 degrees C above outdoor levels. Cement walls, clay tiles, corrugated tin roofs, fewer rooms, and crowding made urban slums dangerously hot. 

Similarly, a study from Ahmedabad recorded an average 6.7 degrees C higher heat index at the locations where patients with acute heat illnesses were picked up by emergency medical services compared to what was recorded by the nearest weather station during the summer of 2016. At city level, such differences translate into an increase in all-cause mortality with daily city temperature. Hence, city-level temperature-mortality study has become vital for heat-health action planning. 

Adaptation measures to extreme heat are essential as the situation has the potential to change the course of irreversible planetary consequences. Due to rise in greenhouse gases, global warming has reached alarming levels. Even with all the commitments made by different nations and the very recent aim of targeting net zero emissions, large numbers of people in tropical countries, including India, will find it hard to live. Thus, a health-centric adaptation focus should be seriously followed in every sector to tackle the ongoing heat wave. This will also help us stay on course for achievement of the SDGs.---INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

 

Tale Of Two Manifestos: MODI’S GAURANTEE VS CONGRESS NYAY, By Poonam I Kaushish, 16 April 2024 Print E-mail

Political Diary

New Delhi, 16 April 2024

Tale Of Two Manifestos

MODI’S GAURANTEE VS CONGRESS NYAY

By Poonam I Kaushish 

The stage is set, audiences anticipate as the curtain rises on India’s nautanki of democracy, an ideological spectacle commencing Thursday with citizens either relishing or abhorring the ongoing tamasha with bagfuls of ‘revadi’ and promises galore. A toss between big leaders, small netas and two-timing jan sevaks. All in their reckless quest for power, amplified by the silly chair called Bharat’s Raj Gaddi!

Amidst the poll cacophony, BJP makes a pitch with Modi’s Gaurantee for Viksit Bharat vs Congress Nyay Patra,  an ideological divergence which mirrors India's vibrant political tapestry.

The BJP's ‘Sankalp Patra’ epitomises continuity by weaving a narrative of progress built upon the Party's 10-year rule championing Hindutva, infrastructural advancements, national security and robust economic trajectory heralding stability, growth and steadfast commitment to a unified national ethos unswayed by populism.

In stark contrast, Congress' ‘Nyay Patra’ heralds a clarion call for change, accentuating social justice and economic parity as its focal points. It promises inclusivity and welfare, caste census alongside redressing societal inequities, reservation and offers a progressive alternative to its rival’s vision. It pledges to fill three million Government vacancies and proposes a Constitutional amendment to increase the reservation cap. Harbinger of its own renaissance, it aspires to repaint the nation's canvas with strokes of inclusivity and reform.

Undeniably, both manifestos underscore a clash of ideologies showcasing the vast ideological chasm between BJP-Congress. Whereby Bharat stands poised at a crossroads: a choice between two philosophies: ‘Sankalp’ and ‘Nyay’ which transcends mere manifesto promises; it defines divergent visions for the nation's future. While BJP charts a vision of developed India, Congress advocates a narrative of societal equity and justice. Whoever wins will shape India's developmental trajectory and its socio-political terrain for times to come.

The BJP's manifesto stands as a bastion of cultural nationalism, envisioning a resurgent Bharat, self-assured and assertive. Conversely, the Congress manifesto echoes a clarion call for change, outlining a blueprint for an India where justice isn't just an aspiration but a tangible reality for every citizen. 

Interestingly, youth take centre stage in both Parties electoral agendas. BJP focuses on fortifying academic integrity, tackling paper leaks, filling Government vacancies and  envisions India as a global manufacturing and start-up hub. Congress plans to introduce Yuva Nyay programme to combat unemployment, offering practical training through Right to Apprenticeship Act for diploma holders and graduates under 25.

Both trading insults: BJP trashes Congress Nyay Patra as “having Muslim League imprint and is a bundle of lies,” Congress rubbishes BJP’s  Sankalp Patra as a warranty of jumlas and maafinama,” accusing it of dishonouring past promises. “In 2014 Modi promised to bring black money back, but what he brought is electoral bond.” 

With BJP fulfilling two of its earlier three ‘core issues’: construction of Ram temple in Ayodhya and removing Article 370, implementation of a Uniform Civil Code (UCC) as a tool for “gender equality” --- and the idea of “One Nation, One Election” have jumped to  prominence today.

“Article 44 lists UCC as one of the Directive Principles of State Policy. BJP believes there cannot be gender equality till Bharat adopts UCC, which protects rights of women drawing upon the best traditions and harmonising them with modern time.”

The thematic connecting of gender parity and customary laws that came in the way of this was drawn when Parliament passed the triple talaq ban law 2017.  Primarily, UCC aims at uniformity in personal laws, like marriage registration, child custody, divorce, adoption, property rights and inter-State property rights regardless of religious beliefs. Tribals, though have been kept out of its purview. A thought echoed by Supreme Court in various judgments.

BJP is clear: It believes no country should have any religion-based law other than a single law for citizens. It provides protection to vulnerable sections and religious minorities, while encouraging nationalistic fervour through unity.

Naturally, Opposition opposes this as it would interfere in religious groups personal laws and right of religious freedom unless religious groups are prepared for change (sic). It’s a ‘minority vs majority’ issue and Hindutva Brigade’s policy for Muslims living in India. It would disintegrate the country and hurt its diverse culture, they warn.

Moreover, it violates Constitutional freedom to practice religion of choice which allows communities to follow their respective personal laws. For example, Article 25 gives every religious group the right to manage its own affairs and Article 29 the right to conserve their distinct culture. Also, the Constituent Assembly’s Fundamental Rights sub-committee deliberately did not include UCC as a Fundamental Right.

As the dissonance for and against UCC grows louder the correct answer lies somewhere in between. However, what cannot be denied is UCC will benefit BJP electorally alongside consecration of the Ram mandir as it will be used as a ploy to corner the Opposition about being pro-Muslim. A majority of Hindus would view it as the Party implementing its agenda.

Certainly the path to UCC is sensitive and difficult but it must be taken. A beginning has to be made if the Constitution is to have any meaning. Discrimination cannot be justified on the grounds of traditions and customs. One cannot progress riding on past’s wheels. India needs uniform laws and should figure what is satisfactory to all groups.

On Modi’s favourite  “One Nation, One Election”, the manifesto says “it will work towards implementing ex-President Kovind committee’s recommendations to holding simultaneous elections along-with making provisions for a common electoral roll for all levels of elections.”

Specially as the country has witnessed 400 polls to Lok Sabha and State Assemblies till date. And given Law Commission had thrice — 1999, 2015 and 2018 — argued for simultaneous elections to “free citizens, Parties and Government from encumbrance of asynchronous elections as it would be economically viable and a big saving for exchequer”.

It would help avoid disruptions in governance and policy paralysis due to frequent polls as once a Party is elected and Government formed it can get down to work and concentrate on delivering good governance without worrying  about its impact on vote banks.

Alas, Opposition perceives it as imposition of BJP’s political agenda, extension of its ideological preference for homogeneity and uniformity vis-à-vis faith, customs, language, dress and diet given federal relations are fraught in rival-ruled States. Also, it hinders political accountability and performance scrutiny alongside disregarding citizens’ right to removing non-performing Governments.

The Congress, perhaps for survival and votes, has unleashed the caste genie after three decades to ensure social equality. It would be useful in formulating appropriate policies to target Government welfare schemes and policies ensuring they reach intended beneficiaries. BJP opposes this as distinction based on caste would inflame caste-based social and political sentiments and harm Hindutva nationalist project. Besides, widening the caste divide. 

Woefully, our leaders need to see the Frankenstein they are planning to unleash. The past tells us that all clashes have been based on caste. From Bihar’s Thakur-Dalit violence in Belchi 1976, Punjab’s Jat-Sikh insurgency 1980-1990’s and Kashmir’s two-decades of continuing Hindus-Pandits ethnic cleansing by pro-Pak militants. 

As our netas slug it out in the political quick-sands of electioneering the pendulum will swing from one end to the other, evaluating the fluctuating stock of Parties and candidates depending on their stock preferences. Clearly, an unpredictable poll turf lies ahead. Wait and watch --- abhi khel baki hai dostoin! ---- INFA  

(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)

 

 

CourtExposes Kinks: PRICES, GRAFT ROIL ECONOMY, By Shivaji Sarkar, 15 April 2024 Print E-mail

Economic Highlights

New Delhi, 15 April 2024

CourtExposes Kinks

PRICES, GRAFT ROIL ECONOMY

By Shivaji Sarkar 

Innocuous developments are unfolding amidst the growing fervour of the impending elections. Despite concerns of the Reserve Bank of India regarding inflation, escalating toll rates, and transportation costs, the nation finds itself amidst a politically charged atmosphere. Nonetheless, certain court rulings are adding intrigue to the evolving scenario. 

In addition to the impact of electoral bonds, which have added colour to the political landscape and influenced prices, three other judgments are exerting significant influence. These include the Supreme Court’s hearings on the Voters Verifiable Print Audit Trail (VVPAT), commonly known as the voting slip; a judgment regarding the denial of payment to Reliance Infra for the Delhi Airport Metro EPL; and the severe criticism of Patanjali’s owners, who are contemnors of court orders regarding their advertising. These developments are intensifying the dynamics of the electoral contest. 

Not less interesting is the Enforcement Directorate’s (ED) mounting fresh money laundering probe into Chhattisgarh liquor scam and linking Kerala CPM leaders to bank fraud. Could there be more arrests even after Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal and Kavita of BRS in Telangana? 

Will prices take a backseat to politics and court rulings, or will they remain pressing concerns alongside these factors? Voters, though reticent, are far from oblivious. Whether attending rallies of prominent leaders or not, they are keenly aware of every development that influences their lifestyle. 

Conversations range from questioning why individuals with questionable backgrounds align themselves with BJP to analysing defections from BJP to Congress factions. Both voters and party members evaluate the potential implications of each unfolding event, particularly returning officer of Chandigarh municipal polls and Himachal Pradesh defections. 

Corruption is not a non-issue. Arrests of select Opposition state leaders on corruption charges by central investigative agencies such as CBI, ED, and income-tax department are unlikely to change the general public perception that corruption pervades all political parties. Many view the pre-election arrest of Arvind Kejriwal as a strategic move aimed at thwarting the popular politician’s participation in the election campaign, rather than a genuine effort to address corruption. 

It gores them to think that possibly price surges of many medicines and commodities or galloping rise in tolls have the electoral bond connections. Former Vice President Venkaiah Naidu’srecent remark on corruption involving all parties has given it a new dimension for the voters to rethink the extent of the impact of the malady. The rising cost of education is troubling all, be it in cities or villages. 

Amidst the dropping of corruption charges against former Union Civil Aviation Minister Praful Patel, allegedly implicated in a Rs. 25,000-crore aircraft purchase scandal, questions arise as to why Delhi Chief Minister faces arrest for his alleged involvement in a Rs. 100 crore state liquor policy issue. People ponder whether the Air India sell-off was conducted transparently or mired in controversy. The action against Kejriwal has spurred Opposition unity, evident from the overflowing rally at Delhi’s Ramlila Ground. 

The recent Supreme Court decision concerning Reliance Infra’s Delhi Airport Metro's EPL has prompted questions about corporate exploitation of public sector Delhi Metro. The Court overturned its own 2021 order directing Delhi Metro to pay Reliance Infra Rs. 2782 crore, which had ballooned to Rs. 7686 crore with accrued interest. 

Chief Justice DY Chandrachud, along with Justices R Gavai and Surya Kant, justified this drastic action, citing a ‘miscarriage of justice’ resulting in an ‘undeserved windfall’ for Reliance Infra. This ruling, following closely after the electoral bond controversy, has heightened voter scepticism. Had Delhi Metro been forced to pay, it could have burdened commuters with significantly higher fares. 

Likewise, the court's rejection of Patanjali’s apology in a contempt case, stemming from misleading advertisements contravening its order, serves as a stark example of how the rule of law can rectify corrupt practices, unveil false brand images, and maintain price stability. The court’s warning to be prepared for consequences, along with its criticism of the Uttarakhand government, underscores the power of legal intervention. It can impact Uttarakhand polls. 

Erratic power bills and arbitrary demands in Uttar Pradesh and many states are also potential issues.Each of these cases, people realise, are instances of political linkages affecting price rise and profiteering. 

The glaring lapses on the part of the executive and administration add to the woes of the people and breakdown of the law-and-order machinery.The judiciary is uncovering corrupt practices that impact economic and administrative systems, consequently contributing to the rising cost of living. 

Media HouseDainikBhaskar has done a study on prices in Rajasthan. It finds that compared to 2019, prices of petrol, diesel and cooking gas increased by 42 percent; food items cost 34 percent more; medicine prices for diabetes and heart diseases rose by 54 percent and people’s dining outside has beenreduced by 40 percent. Pulses have become costlier by 20 percent, vegetables by 233 percent; taxi fares by 67 percent, edible oil 100 percent, FMCG rose by 60 percent. Salaries during the period for different classes have risen by 11 percent to 26 percent. 

RBI Governor Shaktikanta Das has expressed concerns about the imminent return of inflation in his inaugural monetary policy commentary. The Monetary Policy Committee’s statement highlights food prices as a major worry, despite a record kharif harvest, citing tight demand-supply conditions in pulses and vegetables that warrant close monitoring, compounded by climate shocks. 

The RBI projects growth to hover around 7 percent, potentially dipping to 6.5 percent next year, aligning closely with the IMF-World Bank forecast of 6.5 percent growth for India. A final picture is to emerge following the release of GDP data for 2023-24 in May. The declining rupee, decreasing foreign direct investment, and imbalance in trade are further indications of prevailing uncertainties. 

Price concerns persist, with numerous unnecessary infra, roadairport and metro projects shocking even political workers. However, this doesn't diminish the significance of religious fervour surrounding the Ram temple and Modi’s assurances, which remain potent issues in certain regions, albeit overshadowed by economic factors and caste considerations. Amethi and Raebareli, however, remain in focus, more than Varanasi. 

The Opposition, INDIA parties, are amplifying core issues, drawing attention to the populace’s unease with unstable living conditions. While this may have tempered their beliefs, faith remains resilient. Local dynamics, candidate profiles, specific issues, and party cohesion (or lack thereof) will likely shape outcomes in many constituencies more than any single central figure. The nation stands at a critical juncture.----INFA 

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

INDIA Bloc Unity: MVA PACT FOR BETTER OR WORSE?, By Insaf, 13 April 2024 Print E-mail

Round The States

New Delhi, 13 April 2024

INDIA Bloc Unity

MVA PACT FOR BETTER OR WORSE?

By Insaf 

Is it ‘one step forward, two steps back’ for Maharashtra’s MVA? After months of negotiations, the three partners finally made progress and sealed a seat-sharing pact on Tuesday. The INDIA bloc should be relieved with at least this united step forward, in the crucial state. But will it help achieve the cause -- of defeating the common enemy, BJP, or will it put the partnership further behind in the numbers game they thought they had made progress? Notably, Congress ‘strategically stepped back’ and dropped its claims on few ‘winning’ seats and went along with Shiv Sena-Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray reasoning of the need to be ‘magnanimous.’ Of the 48 Lok Sabha constituencies, SS-UBT managed the biggest slice with 21 seats, Congress 17 seats, and NCP-Sharadchandra Pawar 10 seats. While Congress has assured supporting MVA candidates, it must be keeping fingers crossed no rebellion takes shape in Mumbai, Sangli and Bhiwandi as discontent is said to be brewing among local leaders. Besides, five years back, Congress had got 26 seats in its seat-sharing with NCP, but today has had to give up bigger space to the allies. 

The grand old party decided it was time to stop the back and forth and get down to campaigning as elections, in five phases, begin next week, April 19 till May 20. How it pans out is worth a watch as ‘entertainment’ is assured, not between breakaway SS and NCP groups (such as Ajit Pawar seeking support for his wife, against senior Pawar’s MP daughter in Baramati), but with MNS chief Raj Thackeray announcing his unconditional support for BJP-led ‘Mahayuti’ alliance, will address rallies in Modi’s support! While the alliance is happy as it lessens ‘possibility’ of vote cutting, MNS cadres are seeing red. Many have resigned in protest questioning Raj saheb’s U-turn after 2019 (a bitter critic of Modi since). Though the party hasn’t made a mark, Uddhav group takes an interesting dig saying an outfit ‘formed to safeguard Maharashtra pride backs its enemies.’ Applicable to it too, perhaps, but in the end it’s the voter who shall give the verdict whose their enemy.  

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Delhi’s ‘Agnipariksha’

The Delhi high political drama continues to hit front pages. Other than High Court upholding AAP Chief Minister Kejriwal’s arrest in liquor excise scam saying ED was left with “little option” after he skipped repeated summons, 24 hours later, his minister Raaj Kumar Anand resigned from both Cabinet and party. He alleged: ‘party is mired in graft and has no moral right to continue in government, and Dalits have no place in party and feel cheated.’ Instead of rubbishing it, AAP reacted: his action has ‘vindicated’ our stand that Kejriwal’s arrest was aimed at ‘finishing the party’ and BJP was using ED and CBI to “break our ministers and MLAs” (though Anand denies any ED pressure). Indeed, it’s ‘agnipariksha’ for AAP flock. Kejriwal has approached Supreme Court pleading for urgent hearing for his release by declaring the case against him ‘illegal,’ claiming his arrest is “an unprecedented assault on tenets of democracy, free and fair elections and federalism, both of which form significant constituents of basic structure of Constitution.” Convincing or not?   

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 Manipur Mood In Camps

A big question mark hangs over elections in conflict-ridden Manipur, particularly among the 50,000 internally displaced people in relief camps, of which 24,500 are voters. The N-E state which has boasted of 82% plus polling in 2019 elections, has several civil society groups asking the relevance of these elections and some even advocating a boycott. A common refrain being if the government can conduct polls during such times, surely it can find ways to bring peace and address people’s concerns, as the state continues to simmer after 11 months of the ethnic crisis. Reports originating say there’s ‘conspicuous absence of posters of political parties, mega rallies, and visible movement of leaders’ with elections next week (April 19) and 26. So far, only hoardings put up by local election authorities, urging citizens to exercise their franchise are visible. Will the State election office’s security arrangements with 200 companies of paramilitary forces, setting up of 94 special polling stations in relief camps and engaging in confidence building measures, change the mood and help heal wounds.  

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TDP No To Telangana

The Telugu Desam Party has decided to give Telangana a miss and concentrate on wresting back its turf in Andhra Pradesh. As a member of NDA, while TDP chief and former AP Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu finalised seat-sharing formula for both Lok Sabha and Assembly polls in AP, not only is it not going to put up candidates in Telangana but is yet to decide whom to support there. Apparently, the going has not been easy for TDP after Naidu was arrested by AP police last September in a skill development corporation corruption case and though he got regular bail in November to carry out political activities, there wasn’t time to prepare for Telangana Assembly polls. However, he promptly sounded the poll bugle for AP with slogan “Quit Jagan, Save AP” and with his alliance now with BJP and JSP, urged the people to shower their blessings. His rival, YSR Congress Party President and Chief Minister Jagan Mohan Reddy, has been equally aggressive in his campaign and claimed ‘2024 would be last elections that TDP chief will fight’! Time will tell.  

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Qualms On  Christian Prayer Meet!

BJP-ruled Madhya Pradesh failed to play spoilsport for a prayer meeting of Christian community, thanks to the Supreme Court. The event in Indore under ‘National Prayer and Ministry Alliance’, had got initial permission but the administration revoked it after some Hindu outfits sought its cancellation. They complained it was being organised with ‘intent to mislead people of Hindu community and encourage them for conversion’ and there was ‘strong possibility it might disturb peace.’ The concerned police station submitted a report on law and order situation and the High Court when petitioned against the cancellation, rejected it saying the concern raised by respondents can’t be said to be “unfounded, looking to various objections they have received from other religious organisations.” But, on Wednesday the top court stayed the cancellation saying it was “unjustified”, the petitioner ‘will be entitled to hold the prayer meeting at 5:00 p.m. today’ (April 10) and directed its registry to convey the order “forthwith to registrar (Judl.), HC of MP, Bench at Indore, who shall communicate the same to collector, Indore”. It’s about time the state government limits itself. ----INFA

(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)

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