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Economic Highlights
Domestic Election: IMPACT ON FOREIGN POLICY, By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri, 9 February 2024 |
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Round The World
New Delhi, 9 February
2024
Domestic Election
IMPACT ON FOREIGN POLICY
By Prof. (Dr.) D.K. Giri
(Secretary General, Assn for
Democratic Socialism)
In developing countries, elections at home do not usually
have serious foreign policy issues. Only the big countries having international
market and influence make foreign policy an election issue at home. In the age
of globalisation as well as interdependence between countries, the trend may be
changing. Let us examine this assumption.
Interestingly, 64 countries in the world including seven
most populous countries are going to elections in 2024. No wonder, this year is
being called ‘world election year’. What would be the impact of these elections
on their respective foreign policies and on world politics at large? Remember
that a few countries that deeply matter to India have just had their elections
and are going to have another round.
Bhutan had its elections last year and the incumbent Prime
Minister got re-elected and was visiting India at the time of writing, 7th
of February. Bangladesh had Parliament elections and Sheikh Hasina got
re-elected. Her Foreign Minister is likely to come to Indian soon. Taiwan had
the general elections and the previous government got re-elected. The Government
of India congratulated the winners in Bhutan and Bangladesh. Since India does
not recognise Taiwan, New Delhi had a muted response to their elections. The
Foreign Ministry spokesman noted the developments in Taiwan while acknowledging
the growing people-to-people relations and the cultural and business exchanges
between the two countries.
Maldives also had its presidential election and tension
with India has begun since as a pro-China candidate became the President.
President Muizzu, in line with his election promise, has asked India to
withdraw its military presence from his country. Indians, if not the
government, have reacted strongly to cheap jibes made at Prime Minister
Narendra Modi by two of Maldivian ministers. The two ministers making such
gratuitous remarks have been suspended.
Also, countries where elections are going to be held this
year matter to India in their foreign policies. To start with, Pakistan went to
the polls on 8th of February. Imran Khan has been put in jail and is
barred from contesting. Nawaz Sharif is likely to win. New Delhi may hope for a
thaw in India-Pakistan tensions and revival of bilateralism. Modi had visited
Pakistan during Sharif’s tenure and the latter was in New Delhi at the former’s
swearing-in ceremony of in 2014.
Maldives, which had the presidential election, goes to
polls on 17th of March for Majlis, its Parliament. New Delhi would
hope that Majlis elections will check the ruling coalition’s power by boosting
the former PPM Party. Muizzu has been taking an anti-India stance, more so,
after his visit to Beijing. He has negotiated with India the withdrawal of
troops by 15 March just two days before the Majlis elections.
Sri Lanka is going to have both presidential and
parliamentary elections sometime this year. New Delhi would expect the ruling
dispensation in Colombo to win the elections. In any case, India will have the
cross-party support from Colombo as New Delhi has extended economic support to
the Island country during its crisis. Only recently, the Opposition leader from
Sri Lanka met the Foreign Minister and the National Security Advisor in New
Delhi.
Let us turn to P-5 countries, the big powers. Russia will
have its elections from 15-17 March to re-elect the powerful President Vladimir
Putin. In fact, Prime Minister Modi will be visiting Russia to attend the
expanded summit of BRICS, which became a ten-member group last year from the
original five. The whole world will be watching the bigger BRICS as it has the
economic heft.
In Europe, another powerful bloc, the European Union goes
to elections between 6 and 9 June. Although EU elections are not much talked
about here, the results would be important in terms of quite a few important
issues – EU support to Ukraine war, its policy towards Israel-Hamas war, immigration
policy, the trade negotiations including with India and so on.
Now on the big one, elections are to be held this year in
the United States. With some reservation, the US is the sole-super power today.
Washington views India to be the counterpoint to China. To be sure, New Delhi
is still not there, although it has the potential with right partnerships to
become an alternative hub for manufacturing etc to China. There is going to be
a rematch between Donald Trump and Joe Biden. Some observers call it a contest
in gerontocracy as both Donald Trump and Biden, in their age, are much past
their prime.
Britain, the closet ally of the US will also have elections
later this year. The current Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has to announce the
time for the election. Some observers liken Sunak biding time with the man who
was sentenced to death by the king. On his last wish, the man asked the king to
give him a year till he makes the royal horse talk. The wish was granted. When
asked on his queer wish of making the horse talk, the man said, within a year,
anything could happen, the king may die, I may kick the bucket, or the horse
may talk. That is how Sunak seems to buy his time. As per opinion polls, the
Labour Party is sure to come to power. However, New Delhi wishes to complete
the Free Trade Agreement with Britain before the elections, lest they should
start the negotiations all over again.
In the Global South, out of the countries which matter, Indonesia
is going to presidential elections on 14 February. Joko Widodo who has reached his
term limit is putting forward his son against Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto.
If any of them does not reach the majority mark, there will be a run-off on 26
June. Mexico has a single term presidency so it will have a new government by
June-end. South Africa, which is aligned with India’s position in BRICS and on
some other issues is going to have a hotly contested election, so New Delhi
will watch it carefully.
Finally, back home, India is going to have its Parliament
elections in April-May. There is lot of debate and some agitation on the
autonomy of the institutions, misuse of enforcement agencies, use or misuse of
EVMs etc. Notably, only four countries in the world use EVMs. The results of
elections in India will determine her foreign policy mainly towards its
neighbours.
As said before, domestic elections are drawing in foreign
policy issues. In the past, foreign policy used to be based on national
consensus. But this is no more the case. Many democracies are perceived to be
turning to autocracies. Hence, many observers are suggesting that world
democracy is on the ballot this year. Therefore, not only domestic politics, but
foreign policies and world politics are going to be impacted by the elections
this year. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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DEMOCRACY IS NOT A HARLOT, By Inder Jit, 8 February 2024 |
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REWIND
New Delhi, 8
February 2024
DEMOCRACY IS NOT A HARLOT
By Inder Jit
(Released on 18 September 1979)
Much of our medieval and modern history is beginning to
make sense at long last. The treachery of the Jai Chands and the Mir Jafars
always baffled and troubled me as a student, inspired by the freedom struggle
and brought up on Gandhiji's "Quit India" call. How could Jai Chand
sink so low as to invite Muhammad Ghori to India just to settle with Prithvi
Raj personal scores, howsoever hurtful and serious? Again, how could Mir Jafar
shamelessly join hands with the East India Company for the sake of private gain,
no matter how great, and thereby help the British in their calculated design to
colonise India. These and other black seeds no longer confound. Everything now
falls into a pattern against the backdrop of the recent political happenings.
Major issues have seldom counted. Personal gains and petty feuds have
invariably taken precedence over all else. A descendant of Mir Jafar remarked
to me in New York two years ago: "Mir Jafar was not a traitor. He was only
a defector."
The mid-term poll is hopefully expected to stem the
spreading political rot, help revive some values and promote healthy
polarisation. However, what we are witnessing so far is a continuation of what
has happened over the past decade and more: an unbroken exercise in double talk
and deception. All the parties are once again swearing by democracy, socialism
and secularism. They are also busy drawing up their party manifestoes for the
poll and, in advance, mouthing familiar platitudes and promises. Yet, the truth
is that almost all our leaders are motivated solely by considerations of
personal aggrandisement: who can get what, when, where and how. Most
politicians, like the members of the notorious French Foreign Legion, are only
too willing to join any new or old force which holds out promise of a bigger
share in the prospective loot. Options are, therefore, being carefully kept
open for any "good deal" any time. Nothing can be ruled out. Power
and wealth are all that matter.
Nothing symbolises the tragedy of the current situation
more than two experiences last week. In the first case, a prominent public man
visiting New Delhi sought my "advice" about the poll prospects since
we journalists are supposed to have special crystals. The reason? He had been
offered a ticket for the Lok Sabha by all the three main parties -- the Janata,
Congress (I) and the Congress-Janata(S) Alliance. "Which shall I
take?" he asked and added: "Remember I must get into Parliament this
time." Taken aback, I queried: "Is there really a choice?" Pat
came the answer: "But all the three stand for democracy." The second occurred
on Wednesday last at the Talkatora gardens, venue of the AICC(I) session.
Surprised to find a strong critic of Mrs Gandhi at the meeting as a special
invitee, I remarked: "I see you have made up your mind finally."
"Yes, my friend", he said, "Mrs Gandhi has, more or less, agreed
to give me a ticket. What is more, she has reaffirmed that she is all for
democracy and your Press freedom too. Didn't you hear her this morning?"
Regretfully, little has been done by the feuding
politicians or by the thinking people and the media to bring the parties down
from their airy generalities to meaningful specifics in regard to their
objectives and the means they propose to adopt to achieve the promised ends.
Every party no doubt stands for democracy, socialism and secularism. But, as
Nehru pointed out on more than one occasion, today's world faces a new crisis.
"We speak the same words", he said, "but they mean different
things to different people. In effect, we speak different languages." In
India, the three words have come to mean all things to all men. Several pointed
questions have still to be asked: What kind of a democracy do we want?
Democracy of the Free World or of the Socialist World? What kind of Socialism? Gandhian,
Soviet, Maoist, Fabian or Royist- or plain Post Office socialism, as John
Galbraith once described our economic system under Nehru. Again, what kind of
secularism? Pseudo or genuine?
Important at any time, these questions have become more
pertinent now in view of various claims and counter claims. The Janata, the
Congress (S) continue to denounce Mrs Gandhi and her Congress (I) as
authoritarian. But Mrs Gandhi asserts otherwise. In an interview to Mary C.
Carras last year as published in her book, Indira Gandhi: In the Crucible of
Leadership, the former Prime Minister made the following remarkable claim: am
committed to democracy. I do not think there is anybody who is less
authoritarian than I am." In Bombay last week, she told newsmen that there
had never been "lesser democracy in the country than during the last two
and a half years of Janata rule. What is even more interesting and, according
to many, "ominous" was her reference to democracy at the AICC (I)
meeting last Thursday. Democracy in India, she said, might “take a new
turn" after the elections. "Our people were fooled in 1977. Today
their eyes have been opened."
Mrs Gandhi shrewdly preferred not to spell out the
"new turn", she proposes to give to our democracy in case she is able
to win the poll. (Remember, the Emergency was designed to put democracy back on
the rails!) But this and certain other matters need to be clarified by Mrs
Gandhi. What is her basic concept of democracy? Does she want India to continue
as an open society? Or does she want it to switch over to a socialist
democracy? What about the Press? Does she accept the view that the freedom of
the Press is the cornerstone of our democracy, as appropriately stressed by Mr
L.K. Advani, and that it should be enshrined in the Constitution in specific
terms and made inviolable. Mrs Gandhi's remarks in Bombay on Press censorship
and her subsequent clarification in New Delhi have not removed doubts about her
basic outlook. This is indicated in her interview with Mary Carras whom she told:
"To say that newspapers which belong to a very narrow group, to a clique
you might say, that their voice being allowed is democratic, to me this makes
no sense."
The Congress (I) would, therefore, do well to spell out
in clear and unambiguous terms its attitude to the freedom of the Press through
a formal resolution of the Working Committee or an authoritative statement.
This should be done equally in regard to fundamental freedoms and the
independence of the judiciary if Mrs Gandhi and her party are to carry
conviction about their basic commitment to a healthy democracy and the rule of
law. Fresh doubts about her attitude to the judiciary have been created both by
her recent remarks on the Maruti report and the judgment by Justice Sinha in
her historic election case. The latter happened when a newsman in Bombay at a
"Meet the Press" session asked some inconvenient questions about her
election case. Visibly angered, she sarcastically quipped "what an
election case" and then reportedly added: "A petty judge sitting
somewhere had debarred a Prime Minister for six years on flimsy grounds. It was
a ridiculous judgment."
Likewise, three other issues need to be clarified by
each party to enable our people to make a correct choice: the concept and
content of socialism and secularism and of non-alignment. Early in the
seventies, some younger Congressmen tried to get their party's High Command to
set up a committee to define socialism. But Mrs Gandhi tactfully shot down the
proposal, leaving her Government free to act pragmatically, a formulation which
eventually enabled her to promote, so to say, the family sector, as disclosed
by the Maruti report, in addition to the public and private sectors. True,
every party vaguely stands for a mixed economy in which there is scope for both
public and private sectors. But Mr Charan Singh, Mr Jagjivan Ram, Mr Chavan and
Mr Bahuguna seem to differ in their respective concepts of socialism and
planning and the role of the public sector. The people would like to know quite
clearly the kind of socialism they are voting for and that, in the final
analysis, they are not opting for a mixed-up economy.
Secularism got off to a good start under Nehru. But
distortions crept in before long and one was even treated to the disgusting
spectacle in which Mahatma Gandhi came to be labelled as a Hindu. Things have
greatly deteriorated thereafter and our secularism has increasingly come to
acquire an unfortunate tilt. One is secular if one ignores all facts and
denounces, for instance the massacre of Muslims in Aligarh or Jamshedpur and in
the process even incites communalism. But one becomes "rabidly
communal" if he or she denounces the "butchery" of Hindus at
Sambhal in UP. Communalism, whether of the majority or the minority, needs to
be condemned by all parties and their views clearly stated. It has no place in
a genuinely secular state. Similarly, we need to be positive about the basic
concept of non-alignment, essentially a projection of India's sovereignty into
the world abroad. Who stands for a tilt towards Moscow or Washington and who for
genuine non-alignment?
Ultimately, we must be clear about the
true nature of a healthy and purposeful democracy and what it offers:
fundamental freedoms and the inalienable right to sack a corrupt and
incompetent Government. We can do no better
than recall Winston Churchill's famous words spelling out his concept of
democracy. Said he: "Democracy, I say, is not based on violence or
terrorism, but on reason, on fair play, on freedom, on respecting the rights of
other people. Democracy is not a harlot to be picked up in the street by a man
with a tommy gun. I trust the people, the mass of the people in almost any
country, but I like to make sure that it is the people and not a gang of
bandits from the mountains or from the countryside who think that by violence
they can overturn constituted authority, in some cases ancient Parliaments,
Governments and States." --- INFA.
(Copyright, India
News & Feature Alliance)
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Interim Budget: WHO BENEFITS THE MOST?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 7 February 2024 |
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Open
Forum
New
Delhi, 7 February 2024
Interim Budget
WHO BENEFITS THE MOST?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
Budget
analysis from various angles is found reflected in the media. Economists,
financial experts, and others involved in the analysis rarely try to find out
how much of the allocated sum reaches the lower segments of society, i.e., low-income
groups, economically weaker sections and the poor. This aspect is necessary as
around 60% of the population or more belong to the above category.
Experts note
that fiscal consolidation was attempted in the interim budget and there were no
populist measures, such as reducing the tax slab or increasing the standard
deduction so that the middle class pay less taxes. However, emphasis on infrastructure,
specially railways with allocation of Rs 2.55 lakh crore needs to be appreciated.
The three major economic railway corridors
announced shall improve logistic efficiency, reduce costs, ensure safety and
higher travel speed for passengers. Besides, the decision to roll out the first
set of 10 Vande Bharat trains with sleeper facilities and converting 40,000
bogies to such standards shall enhance passenger comfort.
The other positive aspects
include the vision of ‘Viksit Bharat’ which emphasises a prosperous nation in
harmony with nature and the steps outlined therein are welcome. Though the
focus of assisting States in accelerating development of aspirational districts
and blocks is well received, the target for each year and the funds to be disbursed
have not been outlined.
The
interim budget allocates significant resources to bolster the green energy
sector, with a focus on harnessing India’s vast offshore wind energy potential.
One such notable initiative includes viability gap funding for development of 1
gigawatt (GW) of offshore wind energy, which is expected to play a crucial role
in diversifying India’s renewable energy portfolio and reducing reliance on
fossil fuels. Besides, there’s an ambitious goal to set up coal gasification
and liquefaction projects capable of processing 100 metric tonnes by 2030 to
diminish India’s import dependency on natural gas, methanol, and ammonia, while
simultaneously promoting cleaner sources. There are plans too to set up
one crore rooftop solar power units for households.
As regards the farm sector, the
government’s resolve to increase output of oilseeds, milk aquaculture
production to help reduce dependence on imports for its food security and boost
exports is a long-awaited step. Experts have been emphasising diversification
of agriculture beyond crops to livestock and fisheries to increase farm income.
For the masses, support for 20 million rural homes is possibly the only area of
satisfaction as over Rs 50,000 crore has been allocated to PMAY-G for 2024-25,
which is almost double the Rs 28,174 crore spent in the current fiscal, as per
revised estimates.
Inequality remains a key
problem in the Indian economy and as per government data, per capita national
income increased from Rs 72,805 in 2014-15 to Rs 98,374 in 2022-23 –a 35% hike.
However, as known this is unequally distributed. A few big capitalists make
some big investments, but these are not enough to offset the decline in medium
and small enterprises or generate the much-needed employment. The big
economic concerns are unemployment and underemployment, poor viability of
farming, high food prices relative to workers’ incomes and inadequate access to
basic services.
Reacting to the interim budget,
Congress leader and former finance minister P. Chidambaram had said the fundamental flaw in NDA’s approach to the economy
and governance is it is biased in favour of the rich.“It is a government of the
rich, by the rich and for the rich,” he said, pointing out further “the government is either
ignorant or callous to the fact that the top 10% owns 60% of the nation’s
wealth and earn 57% of the nation’s income and that income inequality has
widened significantly in the last 10 years”.
Regarding government’s claim
that it was empowering women by increasing their participation in the work
force, he said the Labour Force Participation Rate among urban women is 24%
against 73.8% for men. Perhaps, the government increases workforce
participation for women by including unpaid helpers in family enterprises who don’t
get remuneration for their work.
The other basic problem of the
economy is the lack of momentum in the manufacturing sector, with weak private
consumption and investment and a rising divide between strong high-end and
subdued low-end purchases. Though there is much talk of fiscal consolidation,
the basic economic problems remain unresolved.
An important area that’s been
the subject of much discussion is the health sector. The country has 166,000 Health and Wellness Centres.
Beyond affordability and accessibility, the quality of healthcare is too poor
and can in no way be compared with other emerging nations. As per the Asian
Development Bank (ADB), the integration of quality into universal health
coverage is yet to be adequately addressed.
Apparently, there’s been a meager
1.7% rise in the budget for 2024-25 in the annual outlay for health programmes
after slashing the current year’s health expenditure by Rs 8500 crore. This
means a 4.3% decline in real terms, keeping in view inflation of 6%.As
Chidambaram pointed out that the budget for health is 1.8% and for education 1.5% of total expenditure, “None
of the boasts can be accomplished with such low expenditure.”
The government’s claim of
inclusive development has come under scrutiny as the National Campaign on Dalit
Human Rights (NCDHR) found that Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had been
allocated a paltry amount in the budget. The total estimated expenditure is Rs
51.08 crore, whereas the total allocation for the welfare of SCs is just Rs
1.66 lakh crore and even less for the STs at Rs 1.21 lakh crore.
Undoubtedly,
more resources are needed for welfare schemes, and this is only possible if
taxations are increased. Organisations like Oxfam have repeatedly stressed the
need to levy a wealth tax on the millionaires and billionaires of the country. Besides,
there is need to impose an inheritance tax of at least 25% as in most other
countries, including the US, it’s around 40%. But these suggestions sadly have
been ignored.
It’s basic
knowledge that generation of more revenue will lead to increase in development
expenditure. Most experts have been insisting on the need to increase tax to
GDP ratio, which would of course affect the corporate. This too is being
ignored by the ruling dispensation perhaps as some experts feel that top
corporates may be making donations to the party and/or for temples etc. The
inequality spectrum requires sustained attention.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Uttarakhand UCC: IS INDIA NEXT ?, By Poonam I Kaushish, 6 February 2024 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi,, 6 February 2024
Uttarakhand UCC
IS INDIA NEXT ?
By Poonam I Kaushish
It’s been an in-n-out political doors
week: one Chief Minister switches sides, another is arrested and a third anointed
in his place topped by Opposition accusing BJP of ‘luring’ aka bribing MLAs to dump their Party. Amidst this, in salubrious
hilly Uttarakhand history was made when it became the first State to implement
the Uniform Civil Code (UCC), the last of BJP’s core agendas after it fulfilled
repeal of Article 370 in J&K and construction of a ‘magnificent’ temple in
Ayodhya, following recommendations from a Government-appointed committee.
Primarily, UCC a long-debated legal
reform aims at uniformity in personal laws, like marriage registration, child
custody, divorce, adoption, property rights and inter-State property rights
regardless of religious beliefs. It gives importance to safeguarding interests
of women, children and differently-abled and covers equal rights for daughters
living on ancestral properties and gender equality. The State also seeks a ban
on polygamy, child marriage and registration of live-in relationships.
It divests religion from social
relations and personal laws related to marriage,
inheritance, family, land etc,
bypasses contentious issue of reform of existing personal laws based on religion --- Hindu Marriage
Act (1955), Hindu Succession Act (1956) Hindu
Code Bill, Shariat law and Muslim Personal Law Application Act (1937). It would ensure all Indians are treated equally, provide gender equality and help improve women’s condition.
Tribals’ though have been kept out of its purview.
Pertinently, the need for a UCC
arises due to existence of discriminatory practices and is considered crucial
to achieving social reform, eliminating inequities, and upholding fundamental
rights. The BJP is clear: It believes no country should have any religion-based
law other than a single law for citizens. Moreover, UCC provides protection to
vulnerable sections and religious minorities, while encouraging nationalistic
fervour through unity.
Naturally, Opposition opposes this
on the fallacious ground UCC would interfere in religious groups personal laws and
right of religious freedom unless religious groups are prepared for change
(sic). It’s a ‘minority vs majority’ issue
and Hindutva Brigade’s policy for Muslims living in India. It would
disintegrate the country and hurt its diverse culture, they warn.
Many whoop for UCC underscoring
it is a comprehensive common law governing personal
matters: marriage, divorce, adoption, inheritance and succession for citizens
irrespective of religion, harmonising diverse
cultural groups, removing inequalities and protecting women rights.
Moreover, as India's political
realities have changed so much since 2014 and modern society is gradually
becoming homogenous whereby traditional barriers of religion, community and
caste are slowly dissipating thus supporting national
integration. A thought echoed by Supreme
Court in various judgments.
Those against it argue
it violates Constitutional freedom to practice religion of choice which allows communities to follow their
respective personal laws. For example, Article 25 gives every religious group
the right to manage its own affairs and Article
29 the right to conserve their distinct culture. Also, the Constituent
Assembly’s Fundamental Rights sub-committee deliberately did not include UCC as
a Fundamental Right.
As the cacophony for and against UCC
grows louder the correct answer lies somewhere in between. However, what cannot
be denied is UCC will benefit BJP electorally alongside the consecration of the
Ram mandir as it will be used as a ploy to corner the Opposition about
being pro-Muslim. A majority of Hindus would view it as the Party implementing
its agenda.
Towards that end Assam’s Chief
Minister Biswas avers he might copy paste Uttarakhand’s Bill while Gujarat
unleashed its UCC genie November 2022 by setting up a committee to study its
implementation and intends rolling it out pre-poll, the third State after
Himachal and Goa already has a UCC regardless of religion, gender, caste. It
has a common family law whereby all Hindus, Muslims and Christians are bound
with the same law related to marriage, divorce, succession.
However, some are wary
UCC will impose a Hinduised code for all communities as it could include
provisions regarding personal issues like marriage that are in line with Hindu
customs but will legally force other communities to follow the same.
Legal experts are
divided on whether a State has the power to bring about UCC. Some assert as
issues like marriage, divorce, inheritance and property rights come under the
Concurrent List, 52 subjects on which laws can be made by both Centre and States,
State Governments have the power to impose it.
Not a few disagree as
giving States the power to bring about UCC could pose a number of practical
issues. Think. What if Gujarat has UCC and two people who get married there move
to Rajasthan? Which law will they follow?
Besides, being a Directive
Principle of State policy it is not enforceable. Notably, Article 47 directs
the State to prohibit consumption of intoxicating drinks and drugs which are
injurious to health. But alcohol is sold in most States and different States
have different legal ages for drinking alcohol.
Arguably, what is it
about the Code that makes politicians other than Hindutva Brigade see red? Why
should UCC be viewed as anti-minority? If Hindu personal law can be modernized
and a traditional Christian custom struck down as unconstitutional, why should
Muslim personal law be treated as sacred? Should the State discriminate by
caste and religion?
Alas, over the years
deliberate distortions of religion to suit narrow personal-political agendas and vote-banks have vitiated
the country, obfuscating a crucial fact: Ambedkar advocated “optional” UCC. He made
two observations. One, Muslim Personal
Law was not immutable and uniform throughout India.
Regrettably, in today’s
politico-social reality Ambedkar’s advice is ignored and dismissed as utopian
hypothesis and Article 44 remains a dead letter. Undoubtedly, both Hindus and
Muslims have lost sight of their respective religions essentials, instead
largely misled by bigots and fundamentalists. Worse, even the educated are
speaking language barely distinguishable from that of Hindu-Muslim
fundamentalists. Their stock answer to every critique: Religion is in danger.
Complicating matters there are too
many religious practices and beliefs governed by personal laws, and unless we
as a society are ready to give up everything that we are used to, then there can
be a UCC. Think. Marriage, divorce, inheritance are not concepts that can be
regulated strictly by uniform laws, because they are all part of a personal
lifestyle which is interwoven within religious identity.
Certainly the path to UCC is
sensitive and difficult but it must be taken. A beginning has to be made if the
Constitution is to have any meaning. Discrimination cannot be justified on the
grounds of traditions and customs. To establish equality the law that regulates
population of a country should also be one. A common civil code will help the
cause of national integration by removing desperate loyalties to laws, which
have conflicting ideologies.
What next? Ultimately, no community
should be allowed to veto or block progressive legislation. Time now, to reject
different laws for different communities, implement Article 44 and reform
India.
One cannot progress riding on past’s
wheels. India needs uniform laws and should figure what is satisfactory to all
groups. Criminal and commercial laws are basic, so there is little purpose
behind common laws to appear as something else. It just partitions Indians on
the premise of religion that should not happen in the 21st century. It is
beyond endurance of sensitive minds to allow injustice to be suffered when it
is so palpable. What gives? ---- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Jharkhand Drama: OATH DELAY, POACHING THREAT, By Insaf, 5 February 2024 |
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Round The States
New
Delhi, 5 February 2024
Jharkhand Drama
OATH DELAY, POACHING THREAT
By Insaf
High
drama engulfs Jharkhand. The Champai Soren-led coalition government must win
the trust vote on Monday, which looks certain, but not after guarding itself
against BJP’s alleged attempts of ‘poaching’ some of its MLAs or indulging in
now familiar horse-trading? This, as past week saw political twists and turns.
On Wednesday, ED arrested JMM leader and then chief minister Hemant Soren in a
money laundering and land mafia case. He resigned before ED took him and senior
leader and aide of Shibhu Soren, Champai was named his successor. However, it
took two days for Raj Bhavan to administer him oath, unlike Nitish Kumar, back
with BJP in Bihar who was re-administered oath hours after breaking ties with
RJD.
Anxious
over the delay, JMM-Congress-RJD alliance flew its MLAs (43 in 81-member
Assembly) to Hyderabad, Congress-ruled Telangana soon after the swearing-in
fearing poaching threat and chose to prove its majority within 48 hours instead
of ‘10 days’ given. Predictably, lady luck shall be on Champai’s side given the
‘resort politics’, unlike his predecessor, wherein the Supreme Court refused to
entertain Hemant’s writ petition and interfere with his arrest, “a
well-orchestrated conspiracy” by Centre ahead of general elections and asked it
to approach the High Court. When his lawyers persisted saying “We are dealing
with a chief minister who has been arrested. See the evidence. This is not fair,”,
the top court advised it was at liberty to seek expeditious listing of his
petition before the Jharkhand HC. Sooner the better.
* * * *
Puja At Gyanvapi Mosque
Muslim
organisations under umbrella of AIMPLB (All India Muslim Personal Law Board)
are seeing red. following developments in mosque case. With Varanasi court
allowing puja in the Gyanvapi mosque’s southern cellar and Allahabad High Court
refusing interim stay, the Board said it would go up to Supreme Court. Said its
President Maulana Rahmani: “The court (Varanasi) ruled in haste and other (Muslim)
side wasn’t even given a chance to put arguments in detail. This has hurt minorities
confidence in judiciary.” Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind President Maulana Madani said: “If
such a big minority says it’s losing faith in judiciary, it’s not good for
country.” Noting ‘nation’s dignity and impartiality of judicial system and
administrative affairs being grossly compromised’ the group urged all
constitutional officials to take timely notice of it.” While that’s uncertain, security
was stepped up at the mosque on Friday for prayers as attendance was at its
capacity. Shops in the city and nearby vicinity remained closed as mosque
committee called for a shutdown. Growing tension needs to be nipped in the
bud.
* * * *
‘Fraud
& Forgery’ Poll
The
Chandigarh Mayoral elections continue to be dogged by controversy. AAP-Congress
bloc, confident of victory has alleged the polls were rigged by presiding
officer Anil Masih. BJP BJP candidate
Manoj Sonkar won the top post with 16 votes of 35-member corporation, and bloc candidate
Kuldeep Kumar got 12 votes, with Masih rejecting 8 votes as ‘invalid.’ Alleging
‘complete fraud and forgery’, Kumar promptly
petitioned Punjab & Haryana High Court seeking setting aside of poll; holding
fresh polls under retired HC judge’s supervision; restraining Sonkar from his mayor’s
functions and asking respondents to preserve/present before it entire poll
process, including ballot papers’ record and videography. With the court refusing
interim stay and issuing notices to Chandigarh administration, corporation,
Masih and Sonkar, among others, to file replies within 3 weeks, Kumar
approached Supreme Court for ‘urgent hearing’, challenging HC order ‘as the returning
officer was caught on video smudging the ballots.” The court said it would
consider it. Whoever said time is of the essence.
* * * *
Never
Ending Woes
Delhi
AAP’s woes are never ending. On Saturday last, a Delhi police crime branch team
went to Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal’s residence to serve him a notice regarding
investigation over his claim that BJP was trying to buy AAP MLAs. But he
refused to take it. At the same time, Kejriwal has refused to appear before the
Enforcement Directorate, its fifth summon for questioning in Delhi excise
policy scam. Recall, that he has termed these notices “illegal” and not in ‘consonance
with the law’ and these be withdrawn. Indeed, AAP fears that the ED shall
arrest the leader, as it has done in Manish Sisodia and Sanjay Singh’s case
till now and the party would be at a loose end with general elections round the
corner. Worse, AAP itself could be made party to the case and could face
prospects of losing recognition by the Election Commission, though there hasn’t
been such a case before it. The fear is not unfounded as developments in
Jharkhand and the arrest of Hemant Soren ring warning bells. All eyes will be
on far the cat and mouse game will be played out.
* * * *
From Films To Politics
Tamil super
star Vijay has decided to script a new role for himself. On Friday last, the
49-year-old actor announced the launch of his political party ‘Tamizhaga Vetri
Kazhagam’ as people of Tamil Nadu, he said were yearning for a change. However,
it will pan out slowly as he will neither be contesting nor supporting any
party in ensuing Lok Sabha elections. The new role, from cinema to politics, is
aimed at 2026 Assembly polls given his concern over “administrative
deterioration, corruption and divisive politics.” ‘Thalapathy,' as he is addressed
by his ardent fans, called for a people’s movement, as it can only usher in the
much-needed political change –'a selfless, transparent, visionary and efficient
administration that is free of corruption, and caste and religious differences.’
Dialogue oft heard. An application has been submitted to Election Commission for
registration, following which policies, flag symbol, among others, would be
planned. Will he succeed as MGR or Jayalalitha did or will his fate be like
Rajnikanth and Kamal Hasan, time will tell. For will there
be takers to his commitment: “Politics
is not just another profession, it’s a sacred service to the people…”---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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