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Open Forum
Police Reforms In India:A CURE WORSE THAN THE DISEASE, by Ashok Kapur, IAS (Retd),12 May 2008 |
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Open Forum
Part – I
New Delhi, 12 May 2008
Police Reforms In India
A CURE WORSE THAN
THE DISEASE
By Ashok Kapur, IAS
(Retd)
A recent judgment by the Honourable Supreme Court on the
burning issue of police reforms needs to be reviewed urgently. Otherwise, its
ramifications may seriously impact democracy and the rule of law in India.
On the urgent need for police reforms, there can hardly be
two opinions. To be fair to the judiciary and to the Government, the lack of
reforms is not for want of trying. All attempts have ended up in smoke. The
reason is not far to seek. Police, which are a major part of the problem, are
sought to be made part of the solution.
Two retired police officers recently petitioned the Supreme
Court through a PIL seeking in the main the implementation of the report of the
first (defunct) National Police Commission, 1981. The report was examined in
detail, by the Centre and States a quarter century ago. It was deservedly
rejected in the light of collective wisdom borne out of experience of the Union
Government in consultation with the State Governments.
To recall briefly, the report was a veritable blueprint for
a police State. The Commission comprised, nominally, a civilian, a judge, an
academic and equal number of policemen. It was serviced exclusively by the police themselves.
The rejection was unanimous. The fine print had camouflaged
many suggestions violative of the universal norms of rule of law. Most
disconcertingly, the report was downright unconstitutional. Let alone the Executive,
even Parliament would not have countenanced a report violative of the basic
structure of the Constitution. Ironically, the ‘basic structure’ doctrine was outlined
almost a decade earlier by the Supreme Court itself in the celebrated case of Keshavananda
Bharti. Shockingly, the senior police members of the Commission, showed complete
innocence of the basic norms of Constitutional functioning and the rule of law.
The police officers who approached the Supreme Court were
economical with relevant facts. The first condition laid down by the Court
itself is that a petitioner must approach it with clean hands. This was not
done. The petitioner’s first contention was that the Police Act of 1861 was
“outdated”, enacted by the British in the context of the Revolt of 1857. The
Act had placed the police under civil magistracy without defining its role. Though
buttressed by an affidavit, no less, the plea was false.
The Police Act was a logical follow-up of the report of the
Torture Commission of 1855, set up at the instance of the British Parliament. Reports
had reached London that the Indian police force
in India,
headed by the dreaded “Daroga” was habitually inflicting unspeakable atrocities
on hapless citizens. The populace was largely without redress. The police force
was not supervised by any external authority, and was accountable to no one.
The Torture Commission sought to bring the police under the
control of the civil magistracy for the first time in India. Importantly,
the Police Act, 1861 was not a ‘stand-alone’ legislation. It was a brief
adjunct to the Criminal Procedure Code, enacted a year earlier again -- for the
first time. The Code, contrary to popular impression, is not merely procedural.
It is substantive law too, and laid the foundations of a civil democracy and
the rule of law. The Code, was re-enacted and adopted by India’s Parliament
after the Constitution came into force and is now the law of the land.
No specific reason was advanced by the petitioners how the
Police Act was “outdated”. Or, how it was at variance with the Criminal
Procedure Code, arguably the finest criminal code anywhere in the world. The
petitioners conveniently bypassed the Criminal Code, whereby the police derive
their formal investigative powers only under the overall control of the magistracy.
This is all the more disconcerting, considering that the main function of the
police under the Constitution is the prosecution of offences under the Criminal
Code.
Somewhat self-righteously, the Police Commission had heaped
blame on all the other agencies involved in the criminal justice delivery
system, inspite of the admittedly serious malfunctioning of the force described
as “cancerously corrupt” and “brutal”. Thus, the Commission criticized the
judiciary for dilatory tactics--it “decides nothing”, the legal community for
constant adjournment-mongering, the ‘bureaucrats’, so-called, for not letting
the police function properly and the political executive for “interfering”.
Had the two petitioners turned the searchlight inwards, in
the memorable words of Mahatma Gandhi, they would have discovered that police
officers themselves quietly sabotaged the report when it was found to be
‘inconvenient’ to them. The sole worthwhile suggestion by the Commission was to
bar senior police officers from seeking post-retirement appointments. The
Commission had noted that officers nearing retirement “hobnobbed” with ruling politicians in the expectation of
rewards later. The sentiment was strong and the Commission suggested a legal ban
on the posting of the police officers to any public office after retirement.
The ostensible purpose of the PIL was to minimize “political
interference” in the functioning of the police. But the irony of what has come
to pass is too stark to ignore. More and more retired police officers are being
appointed under the Government since the submission of the report. Today,
retired police officers are increasingly occupying even Constitutional posts,
an unhealthy development in any democracy.
Recently, our police force has been found to be the most
corrupt public agency in India,
by Transparency International. Incredibly enough, cent per cent of the several thousand
respondents testified so. Would the petitioners have the Honourable Court
believe that this is so because of “political interference”!
The petitioners’ next target was “bureaucrats” implying
civil servants. This betrays a complete innocence of the basic norms of
administrative law. Bureaucracy is an attribute not of any cadre or service but
of size. The police are as much a part of the overall bureaucracy of the State,
a fact acknowledged by the Police Commission itself!
It is common knowledge that the most meritorious candidates
in the combined all-India examination join the civil service. The less meritorious,
or those who fail, join the police service. The petitioners should have known
this fact from their own example. The so-called ‘bureaucrats’ are trained and
experienced civil magistrates. Even after the separation of the Judiciary from
the Executive, the executive magistrates exercise authority under more than a
dozen chapters of the Criminal Code.
Curiously, the petitioners failed to point out that the
Commission’s report was unconstitutional in many respects. It had suggested
posting and promotion of senior police officers, permanently assigned to the State
Governments, by official committees comprising a majority of Union Government
representatives. Under the Constitution, the ‘police’ are in the State List.
This was a violation of the federal principle, a basic feature of the
Constitution. ----INFA
-------To be continued tomorrow
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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Tamil Nadu Shows the Way:TRANSGENDERS NOW NO LONGER OUTCAST, by Dr. Syed Ali Mujtaba,9 May 2008 |
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PEOPLE & THEIR PROBLEMS
New Delhi, 9 May 2008
Tamil Nadu Shows
the Way
TRANSGENDERS NOW NO
LONGER OUTCAST
By Dr. Syed Ali
Mujtaba
"Ippadikku
Rose" (Yours,
Rose), the half-hour TV show on a channel is drawing huge attention in Tamil
Nadu. Not because of its content but due to its anchor Rose, who has become India's first
transsexual celebrity to host a TV show.
The 28-year old anchor, formerly known as Ramesh Venkatesan
has a Masters degree in biomedical engineering from Louisiana Tech University, USA.
He started wearing women's clothes full-time four years ago but still waited
for acceptance from the family and society at large. However, after hosting the
show Rose has not only become a celebrity but also an unofficial ambassador for
the transgenders in the country.
It’s the inspirational aspect of people like her that has
moved the Tamil Nadu Government to take the bold step to recognize transgenders
as a separate gender for the first time in the country.
Towards that end, the State Government announced on the
floor of the Assembly to constitute a welfare board for the transgenders in the
State and allocated Rs 275, 000 for the year 2008-09. The welfare board that
comprises of eight members is empowered to look into the various problems,
difficulties and inconveniences faced by the transgenders. And based on these
inputs, formulate and execute welfare schemes for their betterment.
The State Government also announced the creation of a
special database of transgenders that would help deal with their problems and
demands. The database would be created by a non-governmental organization (NGO)
and would map the population of transgenders in the State and find out their
detailed demands such as ration cards, voter identity cards and health
facilities etc.
The Tamil Nadu Government has also issued a Government Order
for the admission of transgenders in Government run schools and colleges. This
is the first instance when a third gender category is being created for giving
admission to transgenders in Government run institutions.
The Government’s announcement was welcomed by to AJ
Hariharan Founder Secretary, ICWO, a non-governmental organization. According
to him, transgenders are in need of equality and security. They are being
shunned by society, suffer offences and crimes and are deprived of basic
housing facilities. Not only that. They are forced to take up unpleasant
professions such as prostitution.
Hariharan, who is one of the members of the Transgender Welfare
Board, said Tamil Nadu has taken a lead in the country in this direction and it
is high time the other States too follow suit and look at the transgenders problems
humanely.
The transgender population in Tamil Nadu could be roughly
about 60,000 but it’s only after a comprehensive database is made that their
actual figure would be known. Hariharan said that once the data base is
completed then it would be easier for the welfare board to look into their
issues and suggest the best way to resolve them.
The sorry state of transgenders is a modern age phenomena.
In ancient and medieval times they had some respect in the society. Recorded
history avers that transgenders were used as palace guards. They were entrusted
with the responsibility to look after the security of the female chamber of the
royal palace. But with the advent of the Victorian sense of morality imposed by
the British rule, the transgenders fell out of the mainstream in India. The
Indian society now sees them as evil and immoral.
A peek at the Hindi movies would tell the tale of the status
of transgenders in India.
Mughal-e-Azam made in 1965 showed
them as palace guards during Emperor Akbar’s rule. Some movies based on ancient
mythology portray them in positive roles.
However, recent films depict the transgenders as an object
of ridicule to provide comic relief to the audience. In Kunwaara Baap (1974) the transgenders are seen in a song and dance
sequence that tells the story of an abandoned child. In Amar Akbar Anthony (1977) they are part of the music chorus. In Tamanna (1997) actor Paresh Rawal plays
a positive role of Tiku hijra (eunuch)
who raises a young orphan girl. Transgenders are also seen in the films like Water (2005) and Bride & Prejudice. The movie 'Shabnam Mausi' (2005) is about the life of a eunuch politician of
the same name.
Most transsexuals are born male but see themselves as women.
Those detected very early are discarded by the family and are picked up by the
transsexuals who raise them as their own. It’s because of the social stigma
attached to them that prohibits transgenders to get any conventional jobs.
The most common sight is to see them clapping their hands
and begging in streets, trains and buses. They are also seen swooping on a
house that has a new born child and leave only after they have taken money from
the parents of the child. Some even indulge in sex work and petty crimes.
The road for acceptance as a transgender for persons like
Rose has been horrendous. In the hustling streets of Chennai she is always
stared at and sometimes even abused. She remains isolated from college friends
and neighbors to avoid rejection. Her middle-class parents threw her out from
the house when she refused to agree to a suitable bride for her. Rose started
working as an American-accent trainer in a call center but her contract was not
renewed when she started dressing as a woman.
However, Rose’s sheer determination and courage made her
climb the ladder of stardom. Her show ‘Yours
Rose,’ has a viewership of over 64 million and is a hit programme. Rose's
immense screen presence and confidence has added glamour to it. With great
composure she discusses all those subjects that are considered to be brushed
under the carpet.
It’s her style of presentation to fight prejudice against
the transgenders that has moved the hearts of those walking in the corridors of
power in Tamil Nadu. After seeing her they have mooted the idea of the welfare
of transgenders.
However, in a country where the boundaries of sexual
tolerance are shifting daily, there is much uncertainty in the line between
acceptability and offense as far as the transgenders are concerned. ---- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)
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Indo-Pak Talks:SANS KEY BREAKTHROUGH, by Dr. Monika Chansoria, 22 May 2008 |
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
New Delhi, 22 May 2008
Indo-Pak
Talks
SANS KEY
BREAKTHROUGH
By Dr. Monika Chansoria
(School of International
Studies, JNU)
India’s External Affairs Minister Pranab
Mukherjee concluded his two-day official visit to Pakistan aimed at reviewing the composite dialogue process on May 21,
2008. The visit ended with both sides signing a pact granting consular access
to nationals of their respective country imprisoned by the other.
Nevertheless, a substantial breakthrough failed to come
about. Worse, Pakistan overlapped
the visit of the Indian External Affairs Minister by signing a peace deal with
the Taliban militants in Swat in the disturbed North-West Frontier Province,
much to New Delhi’s
discontent.
In a joint
statement issued at the end of the talks, the two sides agreed to safeguard the
ceasefire on the Line of Control (LoC) as well as confront terrorism. Besides,
the two countries committed to seeking ‘an early amicable solution’ on Siachen
and noted progress on resolving the Sir Creek dispute. Mukherjee held that in
his discussions with Pakistan’s
leadership he “found a strong willingness and desire on the Pakistan side
to move ahead toward full normalization of our relationship.”
The visit by the Foreign Minister was undertaken to assess
the composite dialogue process that was initiated in 2004 amidst much hope and
optimism. These talks grabbed considerable attention owing to the fact that
they took place following a six-month impasse and expectedly were clouded by
issues such as the recent serial bomb blasts in Jaipur leaving scores of people
dead and wounded while transforming the city into scenes of carnage.
In addition, New
Delhi also raised concerns vis-à-vis the recent incidents
of firing on its soldiers from across the LoC. Apparently there have been three
such incidents since May this year, with an Indian soldier being killed in
trans-LoC firing. Furthermore, India’s
Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon said after talks with his Pakistani
counterpart Salman Bashir, “Both sides made it clear that they attach great
importance to the ceasefire and they want to make it hold.”
Consequently, Mukherjee held talks with his counterpart Shah
Mahmood Qureshi where they expectedly discussed various issues including
terrorism, exchange of prisoners, bilateral trade, confidence building measures
and Kashmir. He also met Pakistan People’s
Party leader Asif Ali Zardari, Pakistan Muslim League (N) leader Nawaz Sharif
and Awami National Party leader Asfandyar Wali Khan.
Crucially, Mukherjee’s visit was of particular significance
in another aspect since it was India’s first high-level contact with the
freshly elected Government in Islamabad and the Indian Foreign Minister
expressed confidence that the “new democratic environment” would help in addressing
a range of issues related to peace, stability and economic development.
However, this sanguinity could well be short-lived given the
ongoing political turmoil, as the new governing coalition in Islamabad appears to be inching towards
dissolution. As a matter of fact, this fragility is touted to cast its shadow
on the future of Indo-Pak talks.
In addition, Pranab Mukherjee held a crucial meeting with
President Pervez Musharraf where the Pakistani President stated that Islamabad was committed to the peace process with India and wanted to resolve all outstanding
issues between the two countries, including Kashmir,
through dialogue. Moreover, in a direct message, Musharraf told Mukherjee that
the wishes of the Kashmiri people could not be ignored while seeking a solution
to the Kashmir issue.
Reacting to Musharraf’s statements, the visiting Foreign Minister said New Delhi too was
committed to dialogue and wanted to see “substantial progress on all
outstanding issues provided that the atmosphere of talks is free from
terrorism, violence and the threat of it.”
On the
other hand, militant leaders in Pakistan
issued a staid warning to the Pakistani leadership ahead of Mukherjee’s visit
telling Islamabad “not to retreat on the Kashmir issue.” This admonition came from the Hizbul
Mujahideen Chief Syed Salahuddin who issued a statement that “the people of
Kashmir had no hope in the talks and there would be no progress with India unless Kashmir
was resolved.”
A sense emerges that this visit had several prospective
expectations including the will of both nations to sustain the turtle-paced
dialogue process, in which they might just have met with some success, however,
yet another failure to make progress on the foremost dispute, Kashmir
remained in the spotlight.
It is suffice to say that verbal affirmations by Pakistan’s
leadership towards their commitment to peace by means of the ongoing dialogue
process are purely not sufficient and ought to be coupled with firm actions on the
ground so as to substantiate their words. Adding to India’s
woes, the political volatility in Islamabad’s
newly elected Government might just end up pounding the already sluggish
dialogue process that started four years ago. --- INFA
(Copyright,
India News and Feature Alliance)
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Phone-Tapping Scandal:DEMOCRACY OR POLICE STATE?, by Poonam I Kaushish,7 January 2006 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
NEW DELHI, 7 January 2006
Phone-Tapping
Scandal
DEMOCRACY OR POLICE
STATE?
By Poonam I Kaushish
As North India shivers in
the blistering cold wave, the Adam’s and Eves in the political Garden of Eden continue
to generate heat. Wherein the country is slowly but surely being pushed towards
becoming an ‘eves’dropping paradise!
Poor Amar Singh, the Badshah of ‘Reliable’ infotainment is
today deeply involved in a phone-tapping controversy. He has accused the
Congress President, Sonia Gandhi of getting his phone tapped. He has produced
Home Ministry letters to prove his charge. Interestingly, the tapping was allegedly
done by the owner of a private detective agency alongwith a Reliance man, both
of whom have been arrested.
The phone-tapping records are said to pertain to the
Samajwadi leader’s gup-shup with some
film stars. While not denying his guftagu, Amar Singh and his party Chief
Mulayam Singh Yadav have made the tapping into a major political issue. Both
have demanded a full fledged enquiry by a special task force instead of the
CBI, which they have dubbed as the Congress Bureau of Investigation.
The Congress has rubbished the charges by the SP duo and got
only described them as ‘Operation Majnu’
but pointedly asked: Why has an FIR not been filed? Moreover, the tapping
had been done by a private party against whom a proper inquiry had already been
instituted and two persons had been arrested. But the issue refuses to die
down. The Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, Jayalalitha, too has joined issue with the
SP General Secretary and alleged that she, too, was the victim of
phone-tapping. The Left parties have also chipped in and demanded a thorough
enquiry.
True, in a narrow political sense, the phone-tapping incident
is yet another indicator of how low and dirty our polity plays. There are no
rules of the game. Morality and ethics no longer matter. Everything is ‘fair’
in a political war. Having crossed the limits of all maryada, why beat about the bush! Haramzadigi, if I say so, is
the new name of the game. But the issue goes far beyond this. It raises serious
and pertinent questions about the violation of an individual’s basic right to
privacy and his fundamental right to freedom of speech, enshrined in our
Constitution. Raising a moot point: Are we slowly degenerating from a democracy
into a police state?
There is no denying that phone-tapping is undertaken the
world over for reasons of national security or serious crimes. Wiretapping is
regulated under the Telegraph Act of 1885.
Officially, only the Union Home Secretary, or his counterparts in the
states can issue an order for telephone tapping, and the police are allowed to
tap telephones of a person receiving threatening calls. The government is also
required to show that the information sought cannot to be obtained through any
other means. Tapping has to be done with the assistance of the
telecommunications department.
For instance, the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) is known
to possess computers that can catch a key word in a conversation and then
record the entire conversation. The computer is fed with the name of the wanted
person and any conversation where that person's name is used gets recorded. Recently,
two Lashkar-e-Toiba terrorists were gunned down by the Delhi police on the basis of their cellphone
records. The cricket scandal of match fixing was also exposed thanks to the
tapping of the phones of bookies and the former South African captain, Hansie
Cronje in 2000.
However, what is distressing is that the powers-that-be are
abusing their brute authority to get the phones of their political opponents
tapped. In fact, there have been several phone tapping scandals in recent years
leading to a Supreme Court direction in 1996. The Court ruled that wiretaps are
a "serious invasion of an individual's privacy”. The Court recognized the
fact that the right to privacy is an integral part of the fundamental right to
life enshrined under Article 21 of the Constitution. The Court even laid down
guidelines for wiretapping by the government.
Sadly, there is no definite indication that privacy is being
respected as per the Supreme Court's guidelines. As India's cream de la cream especially
the political class and the business community
shift to cellular phones as the preferred mode of communication, more and more
instances are coming to light of not just security agencies but even cellular
company employees selling telephone records of rival companies for a
consideration or just listening in on conversations. Recall, how phone tapping
was taken recourse to in an attempt to destabilize the BJP-BSP coalition
Government in UP in 2001. Allegedly a political fixer tapped the phones of the
BSP rebels to ensure that they did not desert the Party.
Not many are aware that it is quite easy for anyone to tap
the telephone as it does not require much skill. All it takes is the right
equipment and the bank account to support the investment. According to detectives,
if one pays a little money to the linesman, who is sitting near the telephone
exchange, a parallel connection can be arranged and the conversation easily
tapped. Another way to eavesdrop upon a telephone conversation is to place a
transmitter, one-fourth the size of a matchbox, between the telephone exchange
and the phones.
Not only that. With computer-based portable interception
devices that not only record conversation and SMS remotely but organise it
neatly in a database for future reference, tapping into cellphone is becoming
child's play. Easy to operate with the push of a few buttons, these devices
come in user-friendly packaging and can be operated on car cigarette lighters. Cellular
phone company computers can record millions of movements going back to more
than a year and therefore the location of a user at any given time or date can
be traced to within a few hundred meters of the exact spot.
Security agencies are now understood to be actively making
what are called "plotter's charts" in their terminology. The cellphone
of a person visiting the national capital can be locked in their beams by
sleuths and even if he does not discuss confidential issues, the signals can
track his movements. Though there are methods to prevent tapping, not many make
use of them. This involves the use of debugging instrument and scramblers. While
abroad people use scrambles which are superior to debugging, but its price
keeps people away.
Despite assertions by successive Governments regarding
introduction of a new age legislation and the setting up of an organisation to
oversee telecom companies, we do not appear to have travelled very far towards
ensuring privacy and a fair deal for telecom
subscribers. But as the Amar Singh issue has highlighted, the
time has come for a debate on the invasion of privacy. It is not merely an
issue of washing of dirty political linen to score petty points. But as more
and more people turn to higher technology-based phones of all varieties due to
falling rates, privacy and grievance redress will become more and more
contentious as it involves the basic issue of human rights. Questions rarely
addressed by political parties.
Fortunately, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has done well to
have honestly acknowledged that “phone-tapping is a very serious matter”. Asked
to comment on the SP’s charge, he also asserted: “Phone-tapping should not be
there”. There are no two views on it”. Clearly,
there is an urgent need to shore up public confidence by prescribing a fresh set of guidelines barring the
Government from tapping phones of its rivals. Or else it could turn into a
scandalous “political tool and trade practice’. The guidelines must also ensure
that owners and employees of cellular companies are denied the pleasure of
delving in their backyards for details of persons called by a particular
subscriber. If we do not cry a halt now, the country may well end up as a
police state. ----INFA
(Copyright India News and Feature Alliance)
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Rahul Debut’s At Congress Session:CHALNA HAI, CHALNA HAI, PAR KAHAN?, by PI Kaushish,28 Jan 06 |
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POLITICAL DIARY
New Delhi, 28 January 2006
Rahul Debut’s At
Congress Session
CHALNA HAI, CHALNA HAI, PAR KAHAN?
By Poonam I Kaushish
It was billed as the greatest political extravaganza of the
new year. A feel good show intended to instill a new vigour and vitality in the
Grand Old Party. A lesson in political ABC --- aggression, bounce and
confidence --- to achieve greater heights. Alas, all plans went phut. Pricked by scams galore. Which
popped up like the proverbial bad penny, leaving the party more deflated than
ever.
How else should one describe the 82nd three-day
Congress plenary held at the Gachibowli stadium (renamed Rajiv Nagar) in Hyderabad on 2l-23
January last? Its title –Ateet Ki Neev,
Bhavishya Ka Nirman, Nayi Zimadari (Building a future on the foundations of
the past is the new responsibility) – could not have been more misleading.
Held as it was under the shadow of the Volcker and
Quottrochi scandals, the looming crisis in neighbouring Karnataka where its
Government was tottering on its last legs, and skirmishes with the Left on
crucial policy matters. But our Congress netagan
typically
chose to brush everything under the carpet. Refusing to see the writing on the
wall, they continued yet another charade in wishful thinking --- without a new disha and without a fresh sandesh.
Before you read me wrong, this is not to detract from the
positive aspects of the session. One, it injected the aphrodisiac called power among
the 15,000 delegates who assembled at the Rajiv Nagar, aimed at steering a new
direction, sense of consolidation and organizational renewal. Two, boasting of
flawless arrangements by the hosts, headed by Congress Chief Minister Rajashekhar
Reddy, it proved that when it sets it’s heart on delivering, none can do it
better than the Congress. Proved by the 150 computers in the media centre. Three,
it lined up a Gen Next leaders, headed by Rahul, who are willing to assert and call
a spade a spade.
Promises were a plenty. So also the pledges. There was a khichri of Nehruvian socialism (reform
with a human face) and Manmohanic liberalization. There was lots and lots of
secularism without any clue about how it could be translated it into votes. A huge
typical Congress tamasha which failed
to find answers to the dilemmas facing the party. It refused to address the
ticklish issues of striking a balance between its stand on alliances and
coalitions and the need to expand its organization and social base in the
states ruled by its allies or other opposition parties. What is more, how to
fulfil its “coalition dharma”, check corruption, maintain austerity and build
bridges between the party and the government.
The political resolution which recognized the inevitability
of coalition governments, terming them as ‘a political reality’ at least for
the next few years, put the onus for the successful run of such arrangements on
its partners. It talked of “collective responsibility.” Asserted Defence
Minister Pranab Mukherjee at a media briefing, “ Coalitions are a give and
take. Our partners should be ready to
give so that all Indians are able to take.
The alternative is too dangerous to even countenance”
The dichotomy was so obvious in the document. “The
discipline of coalition politics was honestly and strenuously followed by the
Congress from that day (the day it accepted the reality), making the UPA
possible and successful.” Implicit was
the message that while the party had followed the dharma, the partners had not. The resolution is almost certain to
be contested by the alliance partners as the party shares power with other
outfits in many states. Coalitions in
these states have had had their own share of troubles, thanks in no small
measure to the attitude displayed by the Congress.
As the crisis in Karnataka has shown, the Congress has none
to blame but itself. On the sidelines of the session, senior Congress leaders
confided that Dharam Singh was basically to blame. Emboldened by the outcome of
the panchayat elections, the state
unit ill-advisedly needled the JD(S) and its President HD Deve Gowda. And when
the former Prime Minister rushed to Delhi
to hold talks with Sonia Gandhi, the latter refused him an audience.
In Andhra Pradesh, the TRS is up in arms against the Grand
Dame for its refusal to take any steps towards the fulfillment of its
long-standing demands for the creation of a separate state of Telangana. And in
Maharashtra, the Congress is engaged in a
behind-the scenes feud with the NCP after it overtook the latter in terms of
numerical strength in the state assembly.
Similarly, even while the Party exhorts its workers to
strive hard to revive the party’s fortunes in the states where its base has
been eroded or has a negligible presence, it is tempered with the realization
that it cannot declare open war on partners who have grown at its expense. Like
the RLD and Jan Shakti in Bihar and the
Samajwadi and BSP in UP. Also, with the Left parties being the UPA Government’s
‘life-line’, it cannot afford to get on its wrong side. Notwithstanding the
fact that it has gone to considerable pains to dispel speculations about
friendly fights in the forthcoming elections in Kerala and West
Bengal – States where the Left is directly pitted against the
Congress.
Significantly, the Congress maa-beta duo Sonia and Rahul both made a forceful pitch for waging
a “long and forceful war to recover ground in the Hindu heartland”. Realizing
that they would be trapped in the quagmire of playing second fiddle to regional
players in unless they got their act together in the vital states of UP, Bihar
and Madhya Pradesh which account for nearly 200 Lok Sabha seats, Sonia made no
bones about the fact that she was no longer satisfied with the Party’s space in
coalition politics and extolled her partymen to take “the commanding heights of
politics again”.
Undoubtedly both she and Rahul succinctly diagnosed the
problem but could not come up with convincing answers to galvanize the comatose
units. Specially, against the backdrop of the Party’s shrinking vote
nation-wide. Crippled as it with rank indiscipline within. Big, small and petty
leaders are all pulling in different directions. In the last three years alone
the Party has changed its PCC chief thrice in UP. Not only that. Three top guns
“refused” to attend the session. Uttarkhand Chief Minister N.D. Tiwari (dropped
from the CWC) and his counter part in Himachal, Vir Bhadra Singh. Bengal leader Ghani Khan Chowdhary who is reportedly keen
to join Trinamool’s Mamata. There were loud whispers of discontent about the
recent AICC reshuffle specially the reconstitution of the CWC which now has
been packed with “non-entities”. How then one wonders will the party recapture
its lost glory?
That sycophancy reigns supreme was so evident when
speaker-after-speaker eulogized, in glowing terms, the sacrifices made by the
Nehru-Gandhi family and, in particular, Sonia Gandhi. Never mind Sonia making
amply clear at the outset itself that she did not want the speakers to waste
time eulogizing her or Rahul. Even before Rahul had stepped into the city,
banners converting his name into an acronym (R-reformist, A-accomplished,
H-honest, U-upcoming, L-leadership) had sprung up all over.
Speakers continued to unabashedly croon, “The entire country
is looking towards Rahul… Rahul aana, is
desh ko aage le jana, (please take the country forward), Rahul lao, Desh bachao.” Slogans were
vociferously raised for him to join the CWC. In his maiden address at the
session, the Gandhi scion was a picture of calm and composure as he read out
from a prepared text, yet never failing to connect. His speech, which came in the form of an
intervention during the discussion on the political resolution, was heard with
rapt attention by the delegates.
He posed some soul-searching, posing some uncomfortable, yet
real, questions – Why is that the Congress, which, at one point of time, was so
strong in the Hindi heartland, has become so weak? What should be the mantra to re-charge the
party apparatus in north India?
But there were no answers. True he did not set the Krishna
on fire. But the young man minced no words that he meant business. Whether he
really means business and can deliver time alone will tell.
In sum, even as Sonia offered the moon and the stars to
project a Congress rainbow on India’s
future political horizon and every Congressmen present lapped it up, the
reality was different. In fact, harsh. Barely had the session ended in a grand
finale of a new sankalp the party had
mud all over its face. What with the Supreme Court severely indicting Bihar
Governor Buta Singh as well as the Central Government and appropriately casting
doubts, how so ever politely, about the President’s conduct. Raising a moot point: How will the Congress fare
in its new tryst with destiny. Chalna
hai, chalna hai aur chalna hai. But where? ---INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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