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Open Forum
POLL BODY, PRESSURES & INDEPENDENCE, By Inder Jit, 15 February 2024 |
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REWIND
New Delhi, 15 February 2024
POLL BODY, PRESSURES & INDEPENDENCE
By Inder Jit
(Released on 10 February 1990)
India has once again proved its claim to being the world’s biggest
democracy. Nearly 300 million people exercised their franchise recently and
brought about a smooth change of Government. The country is again poised to
hold elections in eight States and one Union Territory --- this time to the
Assemblies. Outwardly, the electoral system has worked well. Inwardly, however,
it is sick and leaves much to be desired. Happily, the Prime Minister, Mr V.P.
Singh, convened on January 9 an all-party meeting for consultation on electoral
reforms. Subsequently, a 12-member Committee came to be constituted to go into
all aspects of electoral reforms and submit its report to the Government
expeditiously for required legislative and other action. Most of the maladies of our electoral system are well
known so also the available remedies. But of crucial importance to free and
fair elections and to the future of our democracy is the need to ensure the
Election Commission’s vital independence which, most sadly, has come to face
mounting threat from India’s rulers during the past seven years and more.
Not many are aware that the former Government, headed by Mr. Rajiv
Gandhi, wanted the Chief Election Commissioner, Mr R.V.S. Peri Sastri, time and
again to so hold various elections and by-elections as would load the dice in
favour of the Congress-I. The powers that be, for instance, wanted the Presidential
poll to precede the election to the Haryana Assembly in 1987. But Mr Peri
Sastri refused to compromise with the letter and spirit of the Constitution.
The Haryana poll, which swept Mr Devi Lal and his Lok Dal to power, was held on
June 17 and the Presidential poll on July 13. On June 16, 1988, the ruling
Congress-I demanded a repoll in the Lok Sabha by- election from Faridabad
following widespread violence and booth capturing. The CEC again declined to
oblige. Instead, he ordered a repoll in 161 polling stations. Matters again
worsened over the revision of the electoral rolls in Assam. The CEC was even
accused of siding with the AGP in his interpretation of the Assam Accord. But
he refused to be bullied by the Government.
Various pressures were thereafter mounted on Mr Peri Sastri to force him
to resign. But these too failed. A new strategy was then forged for a “take
over” of the Election Commission. On October 9 last, a Presidential
notification was issued out of the blue clearing the way for a three-member
Election Commission. A week later, Mr. S.S. Dhanoa, a retired IAS official, and
Mr V.S. Seigell, a retired IB official, were sworn in as the Commissioners. All
the formalities were completed in record time, notwithstanding the Government’s
earlier opposition to the proposal. On December 16, 1988, Mr Gandhi himself
turned down in the Rajya Sabha a demand for a multi-member Election Commission
and stated: “This demand means that some Opposition members have no faith in
the single-member Commission”. Again, the appointment of the two Commissioners
was justified on the ground of an increase in the work-load following reduction
in the voting age to 18 years. Yet, the additional workload had already been
handled by Mr Peri Sastri and the rolls revised earlier --- by the end of
August.
Some of Mr. Gandhi’s aides expected Mr. Peri Sastri to quit in disgust.
Not one of the names suggested by him for additional appointment as
Commissioners was accepted by the Government. (One name suggested was that of
the senior-most among the Chief Electoral Officers in the State.) Worse, Mr
Peri Sastri was reduced to a minority in the Commission. However, he kept his
cool and decided to face the new challenge. This came barely a day later. Early
on October 17, the Government decided on its own to hold the General Election
on November 22 and even made its decision public. This was wholly improper as
the decision is the prerogative of the Election Commission. Expectedly, Mr.
Peri Sastri was livid and refused to ditto the formal announcement. However, he
decided to overlook the impropriety in the larger interest of democracy and a
timely poll. (Remember, there was repeated talk then about the possibility of
the Rajiv Government somehow postponing the poll by a year or more but the CEC
eventually made the announcement only after he was able to sound the Opposition
leaders and secure their acceptance of the dates.)
The fat was again in the fire before the day was out. The Government, I
learn, wanted the Election Commission to announce its programme for the general
election on October 17 itself and simultaneously make the required
recommendation to the President for issuance of the formal notification for the
general election. This was intended to give the Opposition leaders even less
time to put their act together and ensure a one-to-one fight against the
Congress-I. This was viewed by the CEC as grossly unfair and improper. He,
therefore, declined, leading to a fresh crisis. (Even the Prime Minister’s
Principal Secretary was constrained to call on Mr Peri Sastri during the course
of the drama-packed day.) In fact, things came to such a pass that some of Mr.
Gandhi's top advisers explored at one stage the possibility of summoning
Parliament to oust Mr Peri Sastri. (The CEC can be removed only in like manner
as a Supreme Court Judge.) Fortunately, good sense prevailed at the highest
level. Mr Peri Sastri was allowed to have his way. The President was able to
issue the poll notification only on October 22.
Not just that. Information available to me before I left for Darjeeling
on October 28 to contest the Lok Sabha poll shows that the decision to go in
for a three-member Election Commission was mainly calculated to put maximum
spokes in the Janata Dal’s wheel. The Janata Dal, it may be recalled, had
claimed the poll symbol of the erstwhile Janata Party, namely, a farmer with a
haldar, following its birth through the merger of the Janata Party and the Lok
Dal. But this claim was disputed by Dr Subramanian Swamy on behalf of the Janata
Party and by Mr. R.N. Kushwaha on behalf of the Lok Dal. Both Mr Dhanoa and Mr
Seigell wanted the Janata Dal denied recognition as a national party and
allotment of any reserve symbo1, pending a final decision on the dispute. But
Mr Peri Shatri was able to ensure fair play prior to the poll by handling the
matter deftly. The Janata Dal as well as the Janata Party and the Lok Dal were
allotted reserve symbols in an interim order with the consent of all the three
parties. The Janata Dal would surely not have bagged as many seats had it been
forced to fight the po1l on free (and confusing) symbols from constituency to
constituency!
One question arises. What can be done to ensure the independence of the
Election Commission? Or, as the respected Dr H.N. Kuzru put it to Dr Ambedkar in the Constituent Assembly: Can something be done to “provide such safeguards as
will give general satisfaction that our electoral machinery will be free not
only from provincial political influences but also from the central political
influences.” The Jayaprakash Narayan Committee on Electoral Reforms as also the
earlier Joint Parliamentary Committee on Amendments to Election Law favoured a
multi-member Election Commission. The idea is no doubt sound in theory. But, as
Mr. S.L. Shakdhar, formerly Chief Election Commissioner, told me in his time:
“The proposal is not practicable. I could not have ordered a repoll in Garhwal
promptly and thereby prevented the place from going up in smoke if I was not a
one-man Commission.” Mr Peri Sastri’s view is no different. In fact, the recent
three-member Commission proved to be a near disaster, hamstringing speedy
action time and again.
How does one ensure that the one-man Commission will be fair and
impartial? We have had among our CECs Dr. S.L. Shakdher and Mr. Peri Sastri on
the one hand and Mr R.K. Trivedi on the other. (Remember, Mr. Trivedi was
rewarded with a Governorship for his good work!) Various suggestions have been
made over the years. The BJP President, Mr L.K. Advani, would like the Chief
Election Commissioner barred from being appointed to any office of profit after
retirement. Some want the CEC to be appointed by the Chief Justice of India and
to senior Chief Justices of the State High Courts. Others want the CEC to be
chosen by the President, the Vice President and the Speaker of the Lok Sabha---
or by the Government in consultation with the Opposition. However, we need to
remember one basic truth: a process of consultation does not guarantee
anything, specially in our feudal environment. A formal ban on the CEC from
holding any office on retirement is highly desirable and should help.
Ultimately, we must think in terms of an arrangement which would enable him to
get what he needs most: moral authority.
Fortunately, the Election Commission has reportedly came forward with a
suggestion, described as “the ideal arrangement”. The Chief Election
Commissioner, it is proposed, should come to be chosen on the basis of his
professional expertise, experience and seniority like the Chief Justice of
India in accordance with established convention. Such an arrangement, we are
told, could be evolved by establishing another all-India cadre: the Indian
Election Service. The Chief Election Commissioner could then be chosen from the
service itself --- from among persons designated Chief Electoral Officers and
accorded the same status as the Chief Secretary in a state. Even today we have
Chief Electoral Officers in the States. They are, however, a part of the
administration and open to political pressures both from the State Governments
and the Centre. An Indian Election Service, which would essentially be skeleton
in character, could provide the answer. The Commission’s proposal merits
serious consideration. – INFA
(Copyright,
India News & Feature Alliance)
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White & Black Papers: POT CALLING KETTLE BLACK?, By Dhurjati Mukherjee, 14 February 2024 |
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Open Forum
New Delhi, 14 February 2024
White & Black Papers
POT CALLING KETTLE BLACK?
By Dhurjati Mukherjee
The
White and Black Papers released recently by the ruling party and the Congress
respectively have tried to find fault with the other. Though such analysis may
be useful in understanding the way each government has functioned, one of these
studies has shown how they plan to tackle future economic problems. These
papers come close on the heels of three important southern States, led by
Karnataka, protesting denial of adequate funds only because of their better
performance in various sectors compared to northern States.
The 59-page NDA Paper accused
the UPA rule of bringing public finances to a ‘perilous state’ with high levels
of fiscal deficit, which a panel headed by noted economist Vijay Kelkar had
pointed out. As a result of fiscal mismanagement, the deficit ended up much
higher than it was expected, and subsequently ended up borrowing 27% more from
the market than what it had budgeted for in 2011-12.
Regarding the banking crisis,
the report said that in September 2013, the ratio of gross NPAs to advances,
including restructured loans, climbed to 12.3% largely because of political
interference on commercial lending decisions. These observations have been
rightly pointed out, specially the improvement of the health of the banks
during the NDA regime, though it can’t be denied that interference in bank
management continued. This is corroborated in the case of Mehul Choksi and
lately Gautam Adani, both of whom are said to be close to the Prime Minister.
The paper highlighted Modi
government’s successes, saying it cleared loans of over Rs 1.9 lakh crore taken
during the UPA regime to fund food, fertilizer and oil subsidies with over Rs 1
lakh crore to be paid in the coming years as principal and interest. It pointed
to revival of the Indian economy from a
state of crisis. “When the NDA government took over the reins in 2014, the
economy was in bad shape, nay, crisis. We faced the hydra-headed challenge of
fixing an economy mismanaged for a decade, and restoring its fundamentals to
sound health,” stated the white paper. Besides, it highlighted how the economy
emerged stronger in the past decade under the BJP-led NDA government and is today
counted amongst the top five economies of the world.
The Paper referred to the
mismanagement of the economy during the UPA regime and apart from the various
scams, it found that over Rs 94,000 crore or 6.4% of the budgeted expenditure
for 14 major schemes and rural sector ministries remained unspent over 10
years. Besides, it showed that funds not deployed properly as capital
expenditure fell from 31% during 2003-04 to 16% in 2013-14, resulting in a
“supply constrained economy”. Additionally, a large part of resources was used
for unproductive purposes, involving an estimated outgo of Rs 26,000 crore in
2008-09 and Rs 52,000 crore farm loan waivers as cases in point.
The overall improvement of the
economy has been well highlighted but what has not been said is whether this
uptrend has benefitted the poor, the marginalised and the economically weaker
sections. Various experts and studies have pointed out that the main beneficiaries
of the government’s policies have been the rich and one segment of the middle
class or perhaps the entire middle class. As per the World Bank’s Commission on Global Poverty using the
leaked data of the NSS revealed that 320 million rural Indians lived in acute
poverty in 2017-18, 50 million over six years earlier.
It would be appropriate to
mention the Oxfam report, released last month, which revealed that the
wealthiest 1% of the population possess 40% of the nation’s wealth, while the
remaining 50% hold just 3%. Furthermore, the number of billionaires in India
has seen a notable rise. The UNDP report indicated that the top 10% of the
population commanded 65% of the country’s wealth. Over the past decade the real
wages of 35% of the population have experienced a decline. Real wages denote
the purchasing power of wages concerning goods and services. India was ranked
139th on the Global hunger Index. In per capita incomes, India is at
the bottom of all the G-20 countries. Parliamentarians questioned whether the
real Amrit Kaal would start only when all people get equal healthcare,
education and opportunities to grow?
Thus, the overall scenario is
quite grim though India may be the fifth largest economy. This has been
revealed in Congress’ Black Paper, which pointed out that “the Modi
government’s 10 years in power devastated the country’s economy, aggravated
unemployment, destroyed the country’s agricultural sector, abetted crimes
against women and committed grave injustices against minorities in the
country”. The 54-page Paper said the highest rate of unemployment in 45 years,
going from 1 crore in 2012 and 4 crore in 2022, 10 lakh sanctioned central
government post still unfilled, despite high unemployment, 33% unemployed amongst
graduates and post-graduates and 2 employed persons dying by suicide every
year. On inflation, the Congress stated that there has been a steep increase in
the prices of essential commodities from 2014 to 2024 – 120% in increase in the
cost of LPG, 37% for petrol and 64% for diesel, 59% for mustard oil and 59% for
wheat flour and 71% for milk.
The above findings can’t be
denied as social and economic development was mainly geared towards the urban
sector and the privileged sections got the maximum benefit. Also, the middle-income
sections got their due share but the marginalised and backward sections didn’t notice
any perceptible change in their incomes and standard of living. However, in
recent years, the Modi government has turned its attention to the rural sector,
but real backward areas have yet to be brought into mainstream development.
It was expected that the paper
of the ruling dispensation while criticising the previous UPA regime would have
outlined future priorities, specially with regard to the farming community,
small traders, those working in unorganized sector, all of whom are a major
segment of the population. Though governance may have improved during the Modi
government, there is an absolute need for ensuring that welfare measures reach
these sections and development is geared in the right direction.
It goes without saying that
more resources are needed for which the wealthy must be imposed a wealth tax,
but the government is hesitant. The logic that such tax will not boost
investment can’t be accepted as private sector investment in recent years has
been quite low despite various government incentives.
Finally, the development matrix
must change, and the present government should be realistic and judicious in
allotment of funds to sectors that need them and those that cater to the
welfare of the major section of the population. Development must come from
below and its spread effect must be uniform, reaching all corners of the
country. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Of The House, For The House: DEPOLITICISE SPEAKER’s OFFICE, By Poonam I Kaushish, 13 February 2024 |
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Political Diary
New Delhi, 13
February 2024
Of The House, For The House
DEPOLITICISE SPEAKER’s OFFICE
By Poonam I Kaushish
It’s the season of Aya Ram Gaya Ram and prize catches. Specially in Maharashtra and Bihar where the political arena resembles a
Spanish bull-ring following three
Congress stalwarts ex- Chief Minister Ashok Chavan, Milind Deora and Baba
Siddique dumping it. In Patna demise of JD(U)-RJD-Congress Mahagathbandhan Government and resurrection of old BJP-JD(U) ties with “somersaulting”
Nitish again Chief Minister for ninth time.
Playing Matador to hilt, the new NDA Government enacted an emotion-filled
politico-drama Monday by removing Assembly Speaker RJD’s Chaudhary, who refused
to step down, via a no-confidence
motion prior to its trust vote. Reminiscent of 2022 when the Mahagathbandhan had got rid of BJP’s
Assembly Speaker. Justified by Speaker can be removed by an Assembly resolution
passed by majority.
Last
month too, Maharashtra Assembly Speaker Narwekar took 18 months to rule Chief
Minister Shinde with 40 MLAs was the Shiv Sena and not Thackeray’s faction, but
refused to disqualify his 16 legislators, lobbing the ball back to Supreme
Court.
In 2020, Jyotiraditya
Scindia led 22 Congress MLAs sent their resignation to Madhya Pradesh Assembly Speaker who accepted their resignations only a
day before Supreme Court ordered a floor test which culminated in Kamal Nath’s
Government falling.
In July 2019 Karnataka Assembly
Speaker disqualified 11 Congress and three JD(S) MLAs leading to Kumaraswamy’s
Government collapse. In 2015-16
BJP had only 11 MLAs and support of 2 Independents in Arunachal but engineered
defections by winning over 21 of 47 Congress MLAs in the 60-Member Assembly.
The Speaker disqualified 14 MLAs, simultaneously BJP held an extraordinary
session wherein rebel Congress-BJP MLAs removed the Speaker. While Gauwhati
High Court upheld the disqualification, Supreme Court refused to give a verdict
on disqualification but restored Congress Government in July 2016.
Ditto
in Uttarakhand where Speaker disqualified 9 Congress rebel MLAs for voting against
the Appropriations Bill despite them not leaving Congress or
voting against it in the Assembly. The MLAs joined
BJP and upstaged Congress Government in 2016.
The issue is not whether the Speaker’s decision in
every case has politics written all over it or if he resigns or is removed. Nor
whether a political appointee should continue to be arbitrator in legislators’
defections? Neither that Parties have used Speaker’s post as lollipop to reward
and oblige a Party worker thus sounding another death knell of a Constitutional
institution. But why Speaker is so important in the Constitutional scheme of
things?
Primarily, as he represents the House, its dignity,
freedom and liberty. According to Erskine May, “The House has no Constitutional
existence without him.” He has to ensure Opposition has its say even as
Government has its way and is expected to be above Party politics and not Government’s
puppet.
If a Party splits, Speaker decides whether it is a
“split” or defection case. His ruling is binding. By this one act he can
“destroy” a Party and facilitate another’s rule. His casting vote can swing
balance either way. Recall, Chandra Shekhar’s famous split which led to VP
Singh’s Government fall.
Besides, his powers to use or misuse Anti-Defection Act
which bestows the power of deciding whether a representative has become subject
to disqualification, post their defection on the Speaker offering ample scope
to him to exercise discretion and play political favourites, ignoring the
letter and spirit of the Act.
Alas, its par for the course when MPs-MLAs-Speaker
roles are inter-changed at a drop of a hat. Whereby, ruling Party Ministers,
MPs and MLAs accept Speakership only to exploit the office for richer political
dividends. Whereby, it is increasingly difficult to keep track of Minister’s
becoming Speaker’s and vice versa.
From second Speaker Ayyangar who became Bihar Governor
on his term’s expiry to GS Dhillon and Manohar Joshi who switched roles from
Ministers to Speakers, Balram Jhakar never concealed his identity as
Congressman, Rabi Ray lived up to his Janata Party’s expectation and Shivraj
Patil who post Speakership, lost the re-election, but was nominated by Congress
to Rajya Sabha and anointed Home Minister. In UPA I Congress Minister Meira
Kumar became Lok Sabha Speaker in UPA II. Today eyebrows are not even raised.
The entirety of a Speaker’s decisions can also be an
inducement for abuse. Instances of suspension of over 149 Opposition MPs from
Parliament in the winter session, almost all DMK MLAs were evicted en masse from the Tamil Nadu Assembly in
2016 while protesting raise crucial questions about our democracy’s health and
its democratic character.
Bringing things to such a pass, whereby a Speaker has acquired
a larger-than-life image and role and has become the primus entre peri. A demi-God who can do no
wrong, and whose actions are unquestionable. Forgotten in the quintessential
position, is the Speaker who is essentially servant of the House has fast
become its master, thanks to rules of procedure. Highlighting, falling
standards in conducting legislative business in Parliament and Assemblies.
Undoubtedly, the Speaker’s position is paradoxical. He
contests Parliament or State Assembly election and subsequently for the post on
a Party ticket, and yet is expected to conduct himself in a non-partisan
manner, all the while being beholden to the Party for a ticket for the next
election. Confided a ex-Lok Sabha Speaker: “We are elected on Party tickets
with Party funds. How can we claim independence? Moreover, even if we resign on
becoming Speaker, we still have to go back to the Party for sponsoring our next
election.”
Against this background and in our Aaya Ram Gaya Ram political milieu the Speaker’s job has not only
become all important and demanding but is the cynosure of all eyes today as the issue of having an independent Speaker is
vital.
Where does one go from here? Time to look afresh at the
Speaker’s powers, depoliticize his office, promote
neutrality. One way is follow Britain’s Parliamentary democracy whereby a MP
resigns from his Party once elected Speaker and is re-elected unopposed in
subsequent elections. Two, Speaker must walk a tight rope, place himself in a
judge’s position, not become partisan so as to avoid unconscious bias for or
against a particular view thus inspiring confidence in all sections of the
House about his integrity and impartiality.
Towards that end he has to play fair and set healthy
and gracious conventions for the high Constitutional office he holds which
calls for fairness, uprightness and adherence to Constitutional values and
conventions.
Consequently, rules have to be drastically changed to
ensure the Speaker’s Constitutional post is respected as it is sacrosanct.
Legislators and Governments must desist from reducing his office in to a
Constitutional extension of Government. Thereby, converting the post in to a
monument like Taj Mahal or Qutab Minar. We know what pigeons do to them.
Remember, a Speaker is an honoured position, a free
position and should be occupied always by men of outstanding ability and
impartiality as what matters are not men but institutions. We must recognize a Speaker’s key role in our
democracy by adopting the British maxim: Once a Speaker always the Speaker.
Succinctly, the Speaker is of the House, by the
House and for the House. Remember,
what matters are not men but institutions. One can tit for an individual but
not tat on the State. It is imperative our democracy is put back on the rails.
----- INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Railway Budget: SELF FUNDER, EARNS PROFITS, By Shivaji Sarkar, 12 February 2024 |
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Economic Highlights
New Delhi, 12 February 2024
Railway Budget
SELF FUNDER, EARNS PROFITS
By Shivaji Sarkar
Railways
is beyond speed. It connects India. It takes passengers to the farthest,
remotest and inaccessible area and immensely contributes to the growth of
hinterlands. Its contributions are not for getting lost amid glitz of the infra
push, the roads, solar or space achievements. It is much more than speed,
coaches and corridors. The Indian Railways remains the driver of the economy as
Covid-19 exemplified. The closure of the trains slowed down the economic
growth. It tumbled to minus 24 per cent.
While
Prime Minister’s Gati Shakti, which is a transformative approach for
economic growth and sustainable development, is a good target to make corridor
functioning more efficient. All the same it needs to stress on the trains that
connect every station of the country, once served by the trains like the Janata
Express. Rail travel still remains affordable, but the cost on the most
deprived is increasing. Logically correct, but the nation must take care of the
large number of the poor who have just come up the official poverty line, but
who as Prime Minister, Narendra Modi, told in Rajya Sabha, need more care and
his free food dole for another five years is meant to tend them and handhold
them to the next better phase of life.
Railways
is self-funded and having profits too though emphasising less on commuters.
Somewhere it gets into oblivion that locally connecting trains are not only
needed in metro cities of Kolkata, Mumbai, Chennai and Bengaluru but also in
all other States whether Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Haryana, or southern states of
Andhra, Telangana, Odisha or the critical North East.
Various
metro projects have been allocated Rs 23931 crore and Rs 1300 crore for
electric buses. But it is observed that these do not cater to the poorer class,
even in cities like Delhi. They shun metro for its high fare affecting their
mobility. The Delhi-Meerut rapid transit metro runs parallel to Northern
Railway suburban-cum-local tracks. It has a high cost and proposed fare as
well. But it deprives the highest number of poorer travellers as they lack affordability.
The Chennai and Mumbai local trains are more efficiently run than the metros in
these cities. Overall losses of metro in all sections are being overlooked.
As per
official figures, 50 per cent of total railway passengers are suburban commuters
from the three major cities – Kolkata, Mumbai and Chennai. If other hubs all
over the country are included, they would form the major chunk of approximately
80 lakh passengers. They despite contributing substantially to the economy,
remain the most neglected. In pursuit of speed, the most productive people are
being ignored. Their contribution to rail profit is underestimated. Even the
running trains generate jobs for thousands of vendors.
Projects
such as the Regional Rapid Transit System (RRTS) need a review. It has also
been observed that Kolkata metro of Indian Railways remain the best and most
profitable despite high cost of deep tunnelling under the river Hooghly. Unlike
most other metros it remains profitable and high ridership as is also the case
with the Kolkata suburban railway.
It is
often said that Railways is not making enough money. That’s incorrect. It has
earned Rs 2242 crore extra revenue denying concessions to them between March
2020 and March 2023. The financial year 2022-23 alone earned Rs 560 crore from
the change in norms making it the most profitable year, according to Centre for
Railway Information Systems (CRIS).
The
railways have earned Rs 2800 crore in the last seven years from child
travellers, who are made to full fare since April 21, 2016. Earlier, children
between 5 and 12 years were offered separate berths at half the travel fare.
Fares of suburban travel have also been revised.
The
budget has earmarked a capex of Rs 2.55 lakh crore for the Indian Railways,
which is just marginally higher than the Rs 2.4 lakh crore announced in last
year’s budget. The Railways needs a bigger push. It should not be for suddenly
changing 40,000 coaches to Vande Bharat type structure as this is not needed.
The officials have made the planners opt for an inappropriate step.
The
actual total receipt of Indian Railways was Rs 240,176.96 crore in 2022-23,
which was estimated to rise to Rs 265,000 crore in 2023-24 (BE) but was found
to be Rs 258,600 crore in 2023-24 (RE). As against this, total expenditure has
been on the rise, which were Rs 237,659.58 crore in 2022-23 (actual), Rs
262,790 crore in 2023-24 (BE), and Rs 256,600 crore in 2023-24 (RE). Now, the
interim budget 2024-25 has estimated it to rise to Rs 279,700 crore.
The
finance minister’s announced budgetary support of Rs 2.55 lakh crore is an
illusion. It only rechristens the railways own accounts in finance ministry
terms. In other words, it could be said that the Railways is not being given
any extra finance. Even its capex is generated by the railways itself. It has
one of the highest operating ratio up from 90 per cent in 2013 to 98 per cent
in 2025. This means that railways is to spend Rs 98 per every Rs 100 it earns.
It reflects in the share market too on the high demand of railway-related
company scrip.
In
pursuit of speed, it should neither slow down regular trains, nor cancel local
passenger trains or neglect the suburban sector. It is not wise to be left it
to be catered by metro or RRTS trains at huge costs. Each metro station
construction, security and avoidable paraphernalia costs much more than the
railways would have done.
Lack of
integrated rail-led passenger transport vision has added to tremendous cost of
less utilised metros as in Lucknow, Kanpur, Jaipur, Bengaluru and other such
cities. Metros should be replaced with elevated trams. Any average 150-year-old
rail stations serve far better. Rail stations need simple, beautiful and easy
access, not a designer one. Most demolitions of old efficient structures of
stations must be stopped. Along with that elevated trams with simple access to
platforms should be planned for efficient, inexpensive, comfortable city
commuting.
This calls
for reorientation and a falsified approach that the Indian Railways needs very
high speed. It has evolved with the best and with minimum efforts and
expenditure it should be made better. The rural, semi-urban and urban
travellers need the attention and the railways must orient it towards them. ---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature Alliance)
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Nation’s Healthcare: ENGINEERING CAN BE A CURE, By Rajiv Gupta, 10 February 2024 |
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Spotlight
New Delhi, 10 February 2024
Nation’s Healthcare
ENGINEERING CAN BE A CURE
By Rajiv Gupta
In the recent interim budget, the Finance Minister
announced a marginal increase of Rs 3000-odd crore allocation for the health
sector, along with plans to set up new medical colleges, a new pharmaceutical programme to promote research and
innovation, etc. However, the field of healthcare is going through several challenges and the issues
need to be clearly understood if the desired end result is an improvement in
the availability and quality of healthcare to all Indians.
It is evident that the price of healthcare has gone up
significantly up, while the trust of people in healthcare has gone down due to a
variety of reasons. Some of the reasons may be medical negligence, the
corporate model of healthcare which puts profit above the needs of the
patients, as well as poorly planned systems which lead to unnecessary waste and
costs in the system. So, while there may be a perceived shortage of qualified
doctors, unless we view healthcare as a system with the patient as the primary
customer, we are likely to fall short of the goal of affordable, quality
healthcare.
It is ironic that hospitals, and healthcare
facilities, which are expected to cure people of whatever ails them, themselves
are in need of help from the malady of negligence, medical errors, and
healthcare acquired infections. A study conducted in the US and reported by the
Institute of Medicine publication “To Err Is Human,” estimated that at least 44,000 and perhaps as many as
98,000 Americans die in hospitals each year as a result of medical errors.
There have been other publications
including one by the British Medical Journal claiming a much higher figure of
deaths due to medical errors. Although some people have disputed the findings
of the BMJ study due to lacunae in the research methodology, it is commonly
accepted by medical professionals that medical errors, and the avoidable tragic
consequences thereof, need serious consideration and some sustainable solutions
found.
A recent Op Ed in a leading English daily mentioned
that one of the clauses in the new Bharat Nyay Samhita (BNS), the penalty for
death due to medical negligence is limited to a maximum of two years and a
fine, while the maximum penalty for death due to any other act of negligence is
five years and a fine. This merits some discussion, not so much on the penalty
for negligence, but on the act of negligence itself.
Quality in healthcare is an emerging
field with medical professionals striving to gain competence in systems and
technologies to improve the journey undertaken by patients as they go through a
healthcare facility. In the context of healthcare, quality would include the
consideration of medical errors, inefficiencies in procedures, wasteful
activities, and a lack of sensitivity to patient needs and concerns. The tools
and techniques that can be used come from very diverse areas such as flying
airplanes to the Toyota Production System, and the teachings of Dr. W. E.
Deming. While it is not possible to provide an extensive coverage of all the
tools that can be used to improve healthcare productivity and quality, a few
techniques will be discussed in this article.
First, a very simple and effective
approach used by aircraft pilots will be discussed. Before a pilot starts to
taxi and take off, he/she conducts several checks on various systems on the
aircraft to ensure that there is no malfunction. This reduces the possibility
of problems once the aircraft is airborne. Dr. Atul Gawande, a well-known
surgeon and author, has written a book “The Checklist Manifesto” where
he discusses the application of similar checklists in healthcare, especially
before starting a medical procedure or surgery.
Such checklists are being implemented
in several hospitals in India where the chief surgeon goes through a list of
people, tasks, medications, and supplies before starting the procedure or
surgery. This is done with the entire medical team in the operating theater and
if anyone feels that something is missing, they are encouraged to speak up so
that a costly error or problem may be averted once the procedure is started.
Dr. Gawande likens the role of a
surgeon to that of an airline pilot because both have the lives of people
dependent on them. Pilots deal with many complicated procedures and technology
and each aircraft may have different systems. Similarly, surgeons have to deal
with complicated procedures and also the individual patients have different
characteristics which may necessitate different approaches. Both the pilots and
surgeons cannot rely solely on their memory. Therefore, the checklists are very
useful in both cases.
Another very simple and effective way
to reduce errors in healthcare is 5S. 5S is part of the Toyota Production
System. It refers to 5 practices, each starting with the letter S (Sort, Set in
order, Shine, Standardise, and Sustain), which can help in improving systems
from car manufacturing, to healthcare. Although 5S does not involve any
complicated or expensive technology, it does require discipline to sustain the
benefits that come from the process. The first element of 5S (the first S)
suggests that an organisation do an assessment of all materials and equipment
that are present in the workplace. If there is anything that is in the system,
but should not be there, we should remove it from the system.
A common complaint of organisations is
the lack of sufficient space. However, what they do not realise is that useful
space is being occupied by things that should be removed. If we eliminate
unnecessary items from the workplace, not only is additional space created, but
the workplace is less cluttered, allowing workers to find things more easily.
Once we have eliminated unnecessary items, the necessary items should be organised
so that they are easy to identify and access. This reduces time to accomplish
tasks as well as reduces the possibility of errors.
An example of the application of 5S in
healthcare is the storage of medications which look alike, and also have
similar names. It is easy for individuals to make a mistake in such cases,
possibly resulting in serious harm to the patients. In such situations, 5S
suggests that the medications should be color coded, and also they should be
stored in different locations to minimise the possibility of a mix-up. There
was a case in 2006 involving the mistake of administering a wrong drug to a
cancer patient which resulted in her death. The probability of making such
mistakes could be significantly reduced by the application of 5S.
A third technique comes from the area
of Industrial Engineering. When industrial engineers design a facility, they
ensure that unnecessary waste in the form of walking or other actions of the
workers be eliminated. A similar approach can be taken in the design of a
healthcare facility. It has been estimated that nurses in hospitals spend about
30 per cent of available time in providing care to patients. The rest of the
time is spent in walking or performing other tasks such as searching for items.
An application of industrial engineering design principles can reduce walk
times and unnecessary tasks, freeing up more time for patient care. Also, if
healthcare facilities are designed to reduce walking and movement, it will also
reduce unnecessary movement of patients, which can be a major relief to them.
These are some of the approaches that
can help in improving the productivity of healthcare professionals, reduce the
instances of errors, and should lead to an overall improvement in the patient
experience. As Deming and other gurus of quality have always suggested, the
customer is the reason why an organisation exists. If an organisation can
improve the customer experience, the customer as well as the organisation will
benefit. Patients are the principal customers of healthcare. It is therefore
important to ensure that healthcare facilities focus on what is important for
the patients.---INFA
(Copyright, India News & Feature
Alliance)
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